History as a key to Vladimir Putin’s politics

Introduction

Since becoming the President of the Russian Federation, Putin to a greater extent utilised symbols and glorious moments from various periods of Russian history to address the ideological and moral challenges faced by Russians after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Although, Putin’s Russia has no official ideology and the Russian constitution bans the employment of the ideology by the state. After carefully analysing Putin’s reign, one may say that Putin created an ideology combining elements from different periods of Russian history.

One of the first decisions made by Putin was the replacement of the Russian anthem, with the old Soviet anthem. Later, he introduced the celebration of expulsion day of Poles from Kremlin 4 November 1612 as a new public holiday. Putin restored the place of Russian Orthodox Church in Russian political and public life. Moreover, he turned the victory day celebrations of 9 May over fascism into one of the most momentous events in contemporary Russian history, to unite the population. That said, despite the calls by various circles from Russian politics, Putin has refused to change the name of the Volgograd city to its previous name Stalingrad as he didn’t want this move to be seen as the return of Russia to Stalinist times from abroad (1). Last but not least, the annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014 was another indication showing how much history plays an essential role for Putin. The symbolic meaning of Crimea encouraged Russia to react to Ukrainian Euromaidan revolution by changing the map of Europe.

Putin is a pragmatic politician who pursues a realpolitik approach to political events, and he uses a selective approach to Russian history. He chooses specifically past events which can be beneficial for him to strengthen his power at home, and he refuses to use radical attitude towards Russia’s past, he even decided to keep the Lenin’s tomb in the mausoleum he thought it might frustrate Russian communists. This phenomenon enabled him to consolidate his power and establish himself in the eyes of the Russian people one of the most popular leaders in Russian history. In this work, I’m going to elaborate on concrete examples of how history played a significant role in the decision-making of Vladimir Putin.

Changing of Russian Anthem in 2000

Even though until 2000 the Russian Federation had an anthem, which composed by Mikhail Glinka in 1833. The hymn didn’t have lyrics, Russian politicians failed to agree on words of the anthem. Vladimir Putin, shortly after taking charge of the country, decided to adopt the old Soviet anthem as the new anthem of Russia. The composer of the music of the anthem was Alexander Alexandrov, and the author of the words of the anthem was Sergei Mikhalkov. Putin instructed Sergei Mikhalkov to come up with new lyrics, because the existing anthem consisted of words which paid respect to Lenin and Stalin, and there was no mention of God (2). Putin’s anthem reform led many people to think that he is willing to construct neo-Sovietism (3). Boris Yeltsin wasn’t the supporter of Putin’s decision, and Putin with this decision made it clear that he isn’t going to continue Yeltsin’s policies. Some Russian dissidents criticized Putin’s move and blamed him for an attempt to bring back the Soviet times with the reintroduction of Soviet symbols. Putin rejected such claims. Putin never associated himself with communism, and he never declared himself as a communist.

4 November - New Public Holiday

7 November was a public holiday in Russia, on that day Russian people were celebrating the victory of October Revolution. In 2004, Vladimir Putin decided to liquidate 7 November as a national holiday, and instead, he introduced a new holiday on 4 November. In the period of troubles in Russian history, during the Polish-Muscovite war in 1610 polish forces occupied Moscow, and they took control of Kremlin. Polish forces kept Kremlin under their control until 1612. On 4 November 1612, polish troops were expelled from Kremlin by Russian volunteer army, Putin announced that day as National Unity Day in 2004 (4). One of Putin’s ideological mentors Ivan Ilyin, in his works, described the hatred of the west towards Russia. He believed that the west is against Russia, and Russia needs to find ways to survive. Putin’s 4 November decision aimed to strengthen the patriotic feeling of Russians and highlight the defeat of western occupants by Russians. Various Russian nationalist groups organized marches and demonstrations on 4 November, calling for the deportation of non-Russians from Russia. During 2006 march clashes erupted between ethnic Russians and non-ethnic Russians and in the result of brawl several people died, and Russian authorities came to a decision to ban such marches (5).

Restoration of the Reputation and role of the Russian Orthodox Church

Russian Orthodox Church played a vital role during the country’s past. After the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453, many people started to call Russia as “the third Rome”. Orthodox monk, Philotheus was the first person who called Russia as “the third Rome” (6). After real Rome, and Constantinople Moscow was the third holiest city, this concept allowed Russia to use it as an ideology for its expansionism. Nevertheless, after the establishment of the Soviet Union, all religions were banned, including Christianity. During the peak of the anti-religious campaign, thousands of churches were destroyed. Cathedral of Christ the Saviour was transformed into the swimming pool. Soviet authorities persecuted religious leaders as well. Although Putin was an atheist since his arrival to Kremlin, he restored thousands of churches and established a good relationship with the Russian Orthodox Church. He takes part in religious rituals. The church acts as an essential instrument in Putin’s political ideology (7).

During one of his visits to holy Christian sites, Putin stated that Russia wouldn’t have existed without Orthodoxy (8). Historically, alongside Autocracy and Nationality, Orthodoxy was one of the three essential elements which formed Russian identity. In 2007 Putin supported the reconciliation between Moscow Patriarch and the Russian Orthodox Church abroad and put an end to long years of event which divided Russian Orthodox Christians after the October Revolution (9). Putin even constructed a church in Lubyanka, where KGB (FSB) headquarter is located. Spiritual Safety Concept was introduced in Russian Military doctrine. The acquisition of independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church from the patriarch of Constantinople frustrated Russia and led Vladimir Putin to convey a meeting of National Security Council(10). Russia for many years employed the Russian Orthodox Church to unite Eastern Slavs under one umbrella, with the independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Russia lost a significant ideological component. Russian Orthodox Church is also a way for Putin to address to country’s demographic problems, through religious Putin also targeted to strengthen family values.

Celebrations of 9 May

Putin established the celebrations of Great Patriotic war as the national centre of the historical identity of new Russia (11). The memories of the war still alive for millions of Russians and citizens of other post-soviet states, as almost every family lost someone during the war. Putin uses such a critical element of imperial patriotism to unite Russians. Although, Putin isn’t a communist and isn’t following the communist ideology, he still believes that the victory of Soviet Union over fascism was one of the greatest moments in Russian history. That said, he downplays the role of other nationalities in the victory process and gives only credit to Russians. Military parades are being held during the 9 May celebrations. Putin views the victory in the Great Patriotic war the achievement of great power status by Russia (12). In 2005 Putin invited world leaders to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Victory day, US President George W. Bush was among the attendants of this event. The grand celebrations of the Victory Day in 2005, which put stress to the greatness of Empire. In 2002 Putin reintroduced the red star as the symbol of Russian Military Forces (13). Putin believes, to play a significant role in the world affairs Russia needs to be a patriotic country, only through this way Russia can be an influential global player (14).

Annexation of Crimea

Many believed Putin’s idea of the Eurasian Economic Union wouldn’t be realized without getting Ukraine on board. Therefore, Russia tried to block the signing of Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. Nevertheless, Ukrainian people decided to protest against the government’s decision not to sign an agreement with the EU by taking it to the street. After a few weeks of protests, Ukrainian President Yanukovych was overthrown. Russia viewed Euromaidan demonstrations as the continuation of colour revolutions which started in Georgia in 2003, continued in Ukraine in 2004 and Kyrgyzstan 2012. Moscow regarded events in Ukraine as the scenario of the USA and its intelligence services. Unlike, the three previous revolutions in post-soviet space, which ousted pro-Russian regimes, this time, Moscow didn’t hesitate to use force. Putin has decided to annex Crimea in 2014, through an illegal referendum. Crimea has a historical meaning for Russia and Russians. Such a decision increased Putin’s popularity and even encouraged Russian nationalists to show support for Putin. Aleksandr Dugin, the founder of neo-Eurasianism ideology until 2014, had some reservations about Putin. Nevertheless, after Crimea’s annexation to Russia, he declared his full support for Putin’s policies (15). Putin’s approval rating reached 85.9% after this occasion. But why Crimea is so much crucial for Russia? a) Sevastopol the biggest city in the Crimean Peninsula, witnessed to an epic battle between the Soviet army and Nazis during the second world war, hundreds of thousands of Soviet people were killed during the Siege of Sevastopol. Only this fact indicates this place plays a crucial role to strengthen Putin’s victory narratives in the Great Patriotic war (16). Crimea has a geopolitical significance for Russia too. Russia possesses a naval fleet in Crimea, and the Russian Empire had fought two wars to gain control over Crimea. During 1853-1856 Crimean war, Russia lost against Ottoman forces which were backed by English and French troops. In 1783, under Catherine the Great, Russian Empire managed to invade Crimea. b) From Orthodox Christianity perspective, Crimea is essential as well. It is believed that the leader of Kievan Rus state Vladimir the Great was baptized in 988, in Crimea. c) Since 1991, in Russian movies, Crimea topic was very actual and widespread. Many Russians spent their summer holidays in Crimea, and they had nostalgia about this place. In the famous Russian movies, there was an understanding that Russians aren’t happy with the loss of Crimea.

If we consider all the facts as mentioned above, it’s possible to say that the annexation of Crimea by now is the most popular decision of Putin. Even though in the result of the occupation of Crimea, the west had applied sanctions against Russia. It was an ideological victory for Putin, and sanctions enabled him to demonstrate to the Russian population that, the west is an ideological enemy of Russia.

Decisions concerning Tsars’ Period

Although, tsarist tricolour flag and tsarist double-headed eagle emblem were adopted in independent Russia, due to the opposition in parliament Yeltsin couldn't formalize these symbols. In 2000 Putin officialised both symbols. In 2005, in the garden of Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, a bronze statue was built for Tsar Alexander II. Also, figures were constructed for Tsar Nicholas II and Tsar Alexander III. Under Putin, the reputation of Nicholas II is established as Tsar-Martyr (17). Putin unveiled the bronze statue of Emperor Alexander I on the Kremlin wall in 2014. Putin praised him for defeating Napoleon. Putin isn’t only referring to the Soviet past of Russia to consolidate his power and strengthen his ideology; he also often uses the elements of the pre-Soviet period of Russia to show his tribute to this period.

Decisions concerning the Soviet Period

Putin several times stated that the fall of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the XX century (18). Also, Putin has never acknowledged that he is communist; he showed respect to followers of communist ideology. One of the key reasons why he did so was that he understood most powerful opposition groups in Russia was communists and refused to wage war on them as he feared it would divide and polarize Russian society(19). Putin opposed the idea of removing Lenin’s body from mausoleum, and he justified his decision by drawing a parallel between Communist ideology and religious. He emphasized that many Russians still respect him, and the burial of Lenin would mean their belief wasn’t accurate (20). That said, Putin realized that such a decision would decrease his popularity, and he will turn popular communist groups into his enemy. There were popular demands to Putin asking him to consider restoring the name of Volgograd to Stalingrad, however, Putin negatively responded to such request. He claimed that such a decision would be misunderstood outside of Russia, as a sign that Russia is returning to Stalinism times. Having said that, in 2003, Volgograd sign changed to Stalingrad by the Kremlin wall.

Conclusion

During the school years, history was the favourite subject of Vladimir Putin, and until today, Russian history continues to play a significant role in his presidency. Putin utilizes both Russia’s Imperial and Soviet past to create his ideology. Putin views Russia’s pre-revolutionary history as a great success. Moreover, he considers the Soviet Union under Stalin significant part of Russian history too. After the fall of communism, nihilism (no values) system entered into Russia, and it posed a threat to Russian identity. To certain extent, it even managed to sustain damage to Russian identity. Putin since 2000 has been using Russian imperial patriotic elements from Russian past and Eastern Orthodox elements to form a new ideology, as well as, to fight against western nihilism in Russia. Putin’s decisions such as the introduction of the Soviet era anthem as the official anthem of Russia, the grand celebration of 9 May Victory Parade or not removing the body of Lenin from mausoleum shouldn’t be understood as neo-Sovietism. As well as his decisions, to introduce the day of expulsion of Poles from Kremlin as national holiday, restoration of the role of Russian Orthodox Church in Russian political and public life, annexation of Crimea, and construction of statues for former tsars, shouldn’t be confused for his admiration with Tsars and his willingness to introduce himself as Tsar. Putin is known for his realpolitik and pragmatic approaches. He uses both periods of Russian history, to consolidate his power and to form his ideology. Putin puts faith in patriotic imperial greatness of Russia and believes based on that Russia deserves a special place in the world (21). That said, with high confidence, we can say that history, to a great extent, played a role in Putin’s politics. This role can be seen through an examination of Putin’s decisions and actions since 2000.

Bibliography

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b.1. Books;

Ivan Kurilla, “The Symbolic Politics of the Putin Administration,” in Identities and Politics During the Putin Presidency: The Foundations of Russia's Stability, ed. Philipp Casula and Jeronim Perovic. (Ibidem Press, 2009), 269-281.

James H. Billington, Russia in Search of Itself (Woodrow Wilson Center Press with Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004).

Richard Sakwa, Putin: Russia’s Choice, 2nd ed. (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 214-240.

Serhii Plokhy, Lost Kingdom: The Quest for Empire and the Making of the Russian Nation (New York: Basic Books, 2017), 603.

Shaun Walker, The Long Hangover: Putin's New Russia and the Ghosts of the Past (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 20.

b.2. Articles;

Angela Stent, “Restoration and Revolution in Putin’s Foreign Policy,” Europe-Asia Studies 60, no. 6 (2008): 1089-1106.

b.3. Internet Sources;

Andrew Osborn, Putin: Collapse of the Soviet Union was 'catastrophe of the century', Moscow, 2005, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/putin-collapse-of-the-soviet-union-was-catastrophe-of-the-century-521064.html (consulted on 24.05.2019)

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2. Serhii Plokhy, Lost Kingdom: The Quest for Empire and the Making of the Russian Nation (New York: Basic Books, 2017), 603.

3. Richard Sakwa, Putin: Russia’s Choice, 2nd ed. (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 214-240.

4. Angela Stent, “Restoration and Revolution in Putin’s Foreign Policy,” Europe-Asia Studies 60, no. 6 (2008): 1089-1106.

5. Sakwa, op.cit., 214-240.

6. Oleg Yegorov, “Why do Russians call Moscow the Third Rome?,” RBTH, 2017, https://www.rbth.com/arts/history/2017/03/30/why-do-russians-call-moscow-the-third-rome_730921 (consulted on 24.05.2019).

7. Shaun Walker, The Long Hangover: Putin's New Russia and the Ghosts of the Past (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 20.

8. Sakwa, op.cit., 214-240.

9. Stent, op.cit., 1089-1106.

10. TASS Russian News Agency, “Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine in focus of Putin’s meeting with Security Council,” Moscow, 2018, http://tass.com/politics/1025809 (consulted on 24.05.2019).

11. Nowak, 06.05.2019.

12. Peter Rutland, “Putin's Path to Power,” Post-Soviet Affairs 16, no.4 (2000): 313-354. \

13. Sakwa, op.cit., 214-240.

14. Walker, op.cit., 20.

15. Nowak, 06.05.2019.

16. Walker, op.cit., 20.

17. Matthew Dal Santo, PUTIN'S PLAN TO RESTORE THE ROMANOVS, The Interpreter, 2016, http://orthochristian.com/96323.html (consulted on 24.05.2019).

18. Andrew Osborn, Putin: Collapse of the Soviet Union was 'catastrophe of the century', Moscow, 2005, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/putin-collapse-of-the-soviet-union-was-catastrophe-of-the-century-521064.html (consulted on 24.05.2019)

19. Nowak, 06.05.2019.

20.Sakwa, op.cit., 214-240.

21. Nowak, 06.05.2019.