The geopolitical landscape within Central Asia has been changing rapidly due to external players. This process especially accelerated after Russian invasion of Ukraine. Central Asian states faced new realities and indirect challenges, such as unprecedentedly tough economic and political sanctions against Russia. As a result of those sanctions, the steady decline of its potential in the political, economic and military spheres including in Central Asian region.

The resulting niches began to quickly be filled by other countries, especially, China. China's role in the countries of Central Asia was already previously quite high, especially in the economic sphere, but its influence began to grow more at an even faster pace. All this fully applies to Kyrgyzstan as well. Statistics indicate that over the past year, foreign trade turnover between Kyrgyzstan and China has increased sharply. For instance, imports from China to Kyrgyzstan in 2021 amounted to $737 million, and in 2022 it was already $4 billion 70 million. Probably, the figures for 2021 do not fully reflect the objective picture, since post-Covid consequences were still affecting then. But, if we take pre-pandemic 2018, then even then imports from China amounted to 1 billion 943 million. That is, in 2022, imports increased by more than 5.5 times compared to 2021, and more than 2 times compared to pre-Covid 2018. Obviously, this growth is largely due to sanctions against Russia and the establishment of transit supplies there from China through Kyrgyzstan. This is also evidenced by the figures for the growth of exports of goods from Kyrgyzstan to the Russian Federation. If in 2021 exports from the Kyrgyzstan to the Russia amounted to about $394 million, then in 2022 it will already be $964 million. Moreover, in pre-Covid 2018, exports from the Kyrgyzstan to the Russia amounted to approximately 359 million dollars, which is almost the same as in 2021. At the same time, the increase in transit supplies (parallel imports) from China to Russia does not deny, but only confirms, that the overall role China's share in the economy of Kyrgyzstan is growing steadily. Probably, the growth of the Kyrgyz economy in the last 2-3 years is largely due to the unprecedented growth in transit supplies from China.

Today, China, with more than $70 billion, already ranks first in trade turnover with the countries of Central Asia. The second place is occupied by the European Union with 47 billion dollars, and in third place is Russia with 42 billion dollars. It is obvious that the Central Asia-China meeting held in the “5+1” format (Xi’an, May 18-19, 2023) gave new impetus to increasing China’s economic influence in the region. At the same time, it becomes clear that China is no longer limited to cooperation primarily in the economic sphere. If earlier China mainly focused on the economy, now the spheres of security, culture, science and education have been added to economic issues, that is, virtually the entire range of issues, including those previously traditionally considered “belonging” to Russia. In total, agreements worth more than 50 billion were signed with the countries of Central Asia dollars. With Kazakhstan, for example, by $22 billion, and with Uzbekistan by $15 billion.
For Kyrgyzstan, in addition to projects in the field of culture, science and public administration, specific economic projects worth more than one billion dollars were envisaged. These are projects in the field of energy, transport, mechanical engineering, agriculture, etc.:
- investment agreement between the Ministry of Agriculture of the Kyrgyzstan and Hebei Bai Dou Jia LLC for the implementation of a project for the construction of a fertilizer production plant;
- an investment agreement between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyzstan and China Power International Development Limited on the construction of a 1 GW solar power plant.
- an agreement of intent on cooperation in the export of electricity from the Kyrgyz Republic to China between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyzstan and the TBEA company; In addition, a special place is given to the transnational scale project: China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway which started recently. This project is estimated to cost an additional $3-7 billion. Thus, in general, the scale of the planned ongoing projects between China and Kyrgyzstan only at the current stage can be estimated at a huge figure for the Kyrgyz Republic, about 8 billion dollars. It becomes obvious that Central Asia and Kyrgyzstan, in particular, are at a new stage of cooperation with China. The consequences of this cooperation can be both positive and negative, thus, the coming decade in Central Asia will be marked by the growth of Chinese influence.

Opportunities and risks for the Kyrgyzstan
The rapid and significant growth of Kyrgyz-Chinese cooperation, significant financial injections, the arrival of new companies and technologies from China can bring with them great opportunities for the development of the economy of Kyrgyzstan. Investments in energy, mechanical engineering, agriculture of the Kyrgyz Republic, etc. create opportunities for qualitatively new development of the Kyrgyz Republic. Of particular importance is the planned construction of the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway. If this project is implemented, Kyrgyzstan will receive a huge impetus for many years of progressive development and growth of the country’s role in the entire Central Asian region. It can be stated that the increase in the speed and scale of cooperation with China potentially carries a great positive charge for Kyrgyzstan, which Kyrgyzstan must utilize as much as possible. However, along with great opportunities, the rapid growth of Chinese financial investments and the entry of a large number of Chinese companies can create significant risks that one should be aware of and take the necessary preventive measures to ensure that these negative risks do not turn into a reality. So, it is not yet clear which part of the Chinese financial investments will be loans and which foreign direct investment (FDI). There is no detailed information yet and under what conditions the projects will be implemented. That is, it is not clear whether China will be granted any privileges in the field of land use, attracting its labor force, taxation, use of infrastructure, etc. For instance, according to the Kyrgyz Minister of Agriculture, the plant for the production of mineral fertilizers will be built entirely with Chinese investments in the amount of about 246 million yuan ($35 million). China will operate this plant for 30 years, and then transfer it to the Kyrgyz side.

It is not yet clear under what conditions this plant will operate, what the percentage of Chinese and Kyrgyz workers and executives will be there, whether their working conditions will be the same, etc. It is not yet known whether additional labor quotas will be allocated for this plant or everything will fit into the existing quotas. It is also unclear how transparently this plant will operate, whether the Kyrgyz inspection authorities will be able to fully control it or not. These issues and a number of others related to this particular project, as well as to all other Kyrgyz-Chinese projects, are extremely important because they have long-term consequences for Kyrgyzstan. It is well known that loans provided by China in general are more expensive than, for example, those from other international financial institutions. For instance, the standard rate for Chinese loans is 1.5-2%, and for loans from the International Monetary Fund - 0.5%, the Asian Development Bank - 1-1.5%, the Eurasian Development Bank - 1%, the World Bank - 0.75 %. At the same time, China almost never writes off (does not forgive) loans, unlike, for example, European countries, Japan or Russia, and international financial institutions.


 The geopolitical landscape in Central Asia has shifted significantly post-Russia's invasion of Ukraine, with China rapidly filling the resulting power vacuum. This shift is particularly evident in Kyrgyzstan, where China's economic influence has surged, with trade turnover rising from $737 million in 2021 to over $4 billion in 2022. Major projects, including the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway and various investments in energy, agriculture, and infrastructure, have been announced. While these developments offer substantial economic growth opportunities for Kyrgyzstan, they also bring potential risks, such as high-interest Chinese loans and concerns about transparency and labor conditions, requiring careful management to ensure sustainable benefits.

China’s strategic influence in Central Asia intensified, case of Kyrgyzstan

The recent state visit of President Sadyr Zhaparov of Kyrgyzstan to Azerbaijan marked a significant milestone in the ongoing efforts to strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation between the two nations. In 2022-23, turnovers between two countries increased by 30 %, and its planned to achieve 500 million USD by 2030. The visit, reciprocating the warm hospitality extended by Azerbaijan during previous exchanges, saw the signing of several pivotal agreements and declarations aimed at fostering deeper strategic ties and promoting collaboration across various sectors. In particular, the project on Program of Cooperation between the two nations for 2024-2029 was approved. In addition to that The Cabinet of Ministers agreed with the project of Protocol between the State Customs Service and the State Customs Committee of Azerbaijan on cooperation in the exchange of information on mutual trade statistics.


In his address, President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan underscored the importance of the visit in bolstering the already robust relationship between the two countries. He highlighted the signing of a Joint Declaration as a key outcome, emphasizing its role in shaping the future trajectory of bilateral relations. The comprehensive discussions held during the second meeting of the Interstate Council reaffirmed the commitment of both nations to enhancing cooperation in diverse fields, from trade and investment to energy and transportation.


A cornerstone of the burgeoning partnership is the Azerbaijan-Kyrgyz Development Fund, which was established last year, received a significant boost with a quadrupling of its authorized fund to $100 million. This expansion reflects the growing interest of businesses from both countries in exploring investment opportunities and realizing joint projects. President Aliyev lauded the constructive role played by President Zhaparov in supporting the restoration efforts in Azerbaijan's liberated territories, citing Kyrgyzstan's initiative to build a secondary school in the Aghdam district as a tangible manifestation of solidarity and brotherly support.


Energy cooperation emerged as another focal point of discussion, with a mutual interest in exploring renewable energy projects in Kyrgyzstan. Both nations recognize the potential for collaboration in this sector, alongside ongoing efforts to enhance transportation infrastructure and optimize trade routes. A Memorandum of Understanding on cooperation in the energy sector was signed between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Ministry of Energy of the Azerbaijan Republic. The Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic reported this on April 25. The main goal of the memorandum is to develop Azerbaijani-Kyrgyz cooperation in the energy industry, have a positive impact on the socio-economic development of the country, as well as the desire to further deepen cooperation in this area.


The parties strive to develop cooperation in the following areas:


- joint research and development of oil fields in the territories of the states of the parties;
- trade in oil and petroleum products;
- cooperation in the field of renewable energy sources and hydropower.


The signing of agreements related to the construction of a five-star hotel on the shores of Lake Issyk-Kul and the development of transport corridors underscores the shared commitment to advancing mutual interests and unlocking new avenues for economic growth.

President Zhaparov, in his remarks, expressed gratitude for the warm reception and hospitality extended by Azerbaijan. He commended the substantive discussions held during the visit, which culminated in the signing of a joint Declaration on strategic partnership. Emphasizing the significance of bilateral cooperation in cultural and humanitarian spheres, President Zhaparov lauded Azerbaijan's efforts in commemorating the legacy of Chingiz Aitmatov, a revered figure in Kyrgyz literature and a symbol of shared Turkic heritage. It should be noted that during Ilham Aliyev’s visit to Kyrgyzstan in 2023 the park, named after his father, Heydar Aliyev was inaugurated in capital city Bishkek.


The visit also provided an opportunity to discuss forthcoming high-level events within the framework of the Organization of Turkic States, underscoring Azerbaijan's pivotal role in hosting the 29th Session of the Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. These initiatives underscore the deepening ties and mutual commitment to fostering regional stability and sustainable development.
In total, 17 agreements were signed between Azerbaijan and Kyrgyz Governments related economic, trade, energy sector, transportation especially, related to a Middle Corridor route and renewable energy. The agreements covered matters, such as on prevention of double taxation as well as, prevention of tax evasion. Furthermore, Azerbaijan is also interested to link its cargo transportation system to China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Rail Road route chains and promote local products to Eastern Asia via Central Asian routes. Whereas Kyrgyz side is interested to get access to Azerbaijan and other European markets via Caspian sea.

During President Zhaparov visit to Azerbaijan, an intergovernmental agreement on cooperation in the field of education and science was also signed. Accrodng to the press service of the Kyrgyz Ministry of Education and Science, starting from 2025, Azerbaijan will allocate a quota of 5 places for Kyrgyz citizens to study in Azerbaijan universities . The document stipulates that Azerbaijan will provide tuition free undergraduate education to selected Kyrgyz citizens and provide scholarships, medical care, appropriate conditions for study, as well as the right to use sports and recreational facilities at the level provided for local citizens, in accordance with national legislation.. Furthermore, a “Memorandum of Understanding between the Baku State University and the Kyrgyz National University named after Zhusup Balasagyn” was signed. The subject of the memorandum is the exchange of experience between teachers and students in the field of education, science and culture.


Currently, the following major Azerbaijani companies, joint ventures that are operating in Kyrgyzstan: 

Foreign Azerbaijani LLC "AZERI"
Wholesale trade of other non-food consumer goods
World Interprise LLC (IU-Azerbaijan)
Joint Kyrgyz-Azerbaijani LLC "PRO-IES"
Closed joint stock company "Progress"
Company "Kavkazenergoservice"
Production of electric motors, generators and transformersx
Joint Kyrgyz-Kazakh-Azerbaijan Public Fund “Sema”
Joint Kyrgyz-Uzbek-Azerbaijan Jalalabad Oil Refinery LLC
Production of refined petroleum products, including briquettes from petroleum products
Joint Kyrgyz-Azerbaijani LLC "EVOS"


Other construction and installation works not included in other groups:
Branch of Azerbaijan Energy Engineering and Consulting LLC in the Kyrgyz Republic
Azerbaijan Energy Engineering and Consulting LLC Activities in the field of engineering surveys and provision of technical advice in these areas
Branch of the Joint Kyrgyz-Azerbaijani LLC "EVOS" in the city of Osh
Azerbaijan LLC "EVOS" Construction of residential and non-residential buildings


The economic collaboration between Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan holds significant promise, yet its realization has been limited thus far. It's worth acknowledging that over nearly thirty years, there have been intervals where opportunities were overlooked. I believe the time has come to seize these opportunities and make up for lost ground.


In conclusion, the successful outcome of President Zhaparov's visit reflects the shared vision and determination of Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan to elevate their partnership to new heights. The signed agreements and declarations serve as a testament to the enduring friendship between the two nations and lay the groundwork for a future marked by collaboration, prosperity, and mutual respect. As the two countries embark on this journey of cooperation, they stand poised to unlock immense potential and chart a path towards a brighter, more interconnected future.



The visit of President Sadyr Zhaparov of Kyrgyzstan to Azerbaijan marked a significant step in strengthening bilateral ties between the two nations. Key agreements were signed, including a Joint Declaration and a Memorandum of Understanding on energy cooperation, highlighting their commitment to deepening strategic relations. Discussions also emphasized cooperation in trade, investment, and transportation. The visit showcased Azerbaijan's role in hosting regional events and commemorating shared cultural heritage. Additionally, agreements were reached on education cooperation, with Azerbaijan offering study opportunities for Kyrgyz citizens. Overall, the visit underscored the determination of both countries to enhance partnership and unlock economic potential for mutual benefit.

Azerbaijan-Kyrgyzstan Strengthen Bilateral Ties through Key Agreements

Central Asia-India energy cooperation can further deepen bilateral relations in 2024

The partnership between India and Central Asia has the potential to significantly bolster India's position as a leader in energy. Since 2012, India has steadfastly focused on revitalizing its engagements in Central Asia, inaugurating its 'Connect Central Asia' initiative to bolster connections in vital spheres like security, energy, and economic advancement. Central Asia offers a wealth of energy resources, encompassing crude oil, natural gas, coal, uranium, and essential minerals. This presents a substantial opportunity for India, especially given its escalating energy requirements.

Central Asian countries hold strategic and geo-economic significance for India, especially for energy cooperation. India's burgeoning energy needs, coupled with the abundant energy reservoirs of Central Asia, converge to shape India's ambitions for broadening energy ties with the region. These ambitions align with India's eagerness to explore economic prospects in Central Asia.


The region shows great potential in renewable energy capacity, production, and transportation, aligning with India's steadfast commitment to development. The expansive plains of countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan provide perfect conditions for contemporary energy solutions like wind and solar power. Moreover, positioned strategically between the East and West, the Central Asian five have the opportunity to be key players in establishing and executing a future interconnected energy network. Hence, ongoing investment and involvement could yield revolutionary outcomes in the future. Additionally, nuclear energy stands out as another significant area ripe for collaboration.


Central Asia boasts abundant energy resources, encompassing both hydrocarbons and renewable energy sources. Despite this wealth, much of these resources remained largely untapped during the Soviet era. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asia emerged as a region of significant energy potential. However, the distribution of these resources across the Central Asian States (CASs) is uneven. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan stand out with substantial reserves of hydrocarbons, including coal, oil, and natural gas. It is estimated that Central Asia holds around 4% of the world's natural gas reserves and approximately 3% of its oil reserves. These hydrocarbons are found both onshore and offshore, particularly in the Caspian Sea region.


The inaugural India-Central Asia Summit held in January 2022 featured a Round-Table discussion focusing on Energy and Connectivity, highlighting India's foremost concerns in the region, alongside security. As per a report from the International Energy Agency (IEA), India's energy requirements have doubled since 2000 and are projected to escalate significantly due to population and economic growth. Between 2021 and 2040, India is anticipated to experience the most substantial surge in energy demand among all nations.


India’s primary interest is increasing its energy partnership with Central Asia to meet its growing energy demands. From an energy security standpoint, India aims not only to secure its energy sources but also to diversify its import origins, thereby mitigating reliance on a handful of producers. Beyond hydrocarbons, the region holds potential as a uranium source for India's civilian nuclear programme. Additionally, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan present opportunities for exporting hydroelectric power, augmenting the surplus energy generated in the region.
India faces notable constraints in establishing energy linkages with Central Asia, primarily highlighted by connectivity challenges. The absence of direct land or sea routes between India and Central Asia poses a significant hurdle. Various proposals have been suggested to address this issue, with the International North-South Transport Corridor standing out as the most viable option. Leveraging the Chabahar and Bandar Abbas ports in Iran, this corridor offers a promising route to access Central Asia and beyond.
The energy resources of this region could be extremely valuable for India as it continues to move on a high trajectory economic growth path in the coming years. India has had millennia old, historical and civilizational links with this region. The synergy between India and Central Asia is evident, but the obstacle lies in efficiently transporting these resources from landlocked areas to India. Additionally, India has been sourcing yellowcake for its nuclear facilities from Kazakhstan since 2009. India is also importing uranium from Uzbekistan.
Given the wealth of energy resources in Central Asia, particularly in crude oil, natural gas, coal, and minerals, coupled with New Delhi's projected exponential increase in energy demands, discussions were marked by a noticeable sense of urgency. Central Asian expressed interest in India's "One Sun, One World, One Grid" initiative, which seeks to foster interconnected solar energy infrastructure on a global level, aligning closely with the India-France-led International Solar Alliance (ISA). To bolster energy connectivity, there is a pressing need to forge cooperation between specialized national institutions in fields such as renewable energy, information technology, digital infrastructure, and advanced technologies.


In the modern era, energy plays a pivotal role in shaping geopolitics and driving the economic landscapes of nations. Central Asia has emerged as a significant energy hub, offering an alternative source for countries such as India to meet the energy needs of their expanding populations, crucial for maintaining sustained economic development. The rising demand for natural gas is poised to fuel growth in the Central Asian oil and gas sector.

This article delves into the burgeoning partnership between India and Central Asia, focusing particularly on energy cooperation and its potential to deepen bilateral relations. Highlighting India's strategic interest in the region's abundant energy resources, including hydrocarbons and renewables, it emphasizes India's efforts to diversify its energy sources and secure its energy future. The piece underscores the significance of Central Asia as a crucial energy hub and outlines challenges such as connectivity issues and the need for infrastructural development. With insights from the inaugural India-Central Asia Summit and prospects for collaboration in areas like renewable energy and nuclear cooperation, the article paints a picture of evolving ties between the two regions driven by mutual interests and economic imperatives.

Central Asia-India energy cooperation 

India-Central Asia can cooperate on agriculture sector for food security

India stands out among the global community as one of the few countries capable of achieving food sufficiency for its entire population.
How Central Asian nations can cooperate with India on agriculture sector for their food security?

Agriculture has always remained a focus area for the Central Asian countries. In February 2020, the India-Central Asia Business Council was established in New Delhi in the framework of the Foreign Ministers dialogue. It has four working groups: on oil and gas; agro-processing and agricultural machinery; transport and logistics; and pharmaceuticals and biotechnology.
In the Third meeting of the India-Central Asia Dialogue and Delhi Declaration of the 1st India-Central Asia Summit in January 2022 the leaders noted that there is a need to boost trade and investments in agriculture and agricultural products.

Central Asian nations heavily rely on imported food items and crucial agricultural resources. A significant portion of the wheat consumed in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan originates from Kazakhstan and Russia. Wheat and its derivatives constitute a substantial portion of the diet in these countries, contributing to over a third of caloric intake in Kyrgyzstan and nearly half in Tajikistan. Trade relationships with Russia and intra-regional agricultural food trade play pivotal roles in meeting the food demands of Central Asian populations. Moreover, the region exhibits a high dependence on imported fertilizers, with a substantial portion sourced from Russia. For instance, in 2021, a quarter of Uzbekistan's fertilizer imports (a significant supplier to Tajikistan), over one-third in Kyrgyzstan, and close to three-quarters in Kazakhstan were acquired from Russia.

According to a World Bank paper, agricultural food export earnings, in particular in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, where the share of Russia in total agricultural food exports is roughly one third, will depend on the evolution of Russian demand and the continued functioning of supply chains. At the regional level, fruits and vegetables are by far the largest category in agricultural food exports to Russia, with Uzbekistan being the largest supplier.

According to Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, with just under seven years remaining until the deadline, Central Asia is advancing towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 2 of Zero Hunger, addressing issues such as food insecurity and various forms of malnutrition, despite significant challenges encountered in recent years.
Major issues of sustainability in the Central Asian countries have been sustainable agriculture and natural resource management, which are critical for food security and the welfare of rural communities.

It is crucial to prioritize land and forest management, enhance resource efficiency, and promote sustainable farming practices. These efforts can yield economic, social, and environmental advantages, fostering 'green' growth. This approach has the potential to bolster the prosperity of agricultural communities, create new employment opportunities, increase incomes, and enhance overall quality of life.

Streamlining border procedures, creating agricultural clusters, and improving road connectivity are key steps to overcoming obstacles. Entities such as CAREC, ADB, and the Islamic Development Bank have played significant roles in enhancing roads and facilitating economic corridors for smoother and safer cross-border transportation of goods. As the Central Asian countries are tilting more towards conservation agriculture, India has much to share in that practice.

In many parts of India, there is still significant potential to increase the agronomic yield of food staples by addressing gaps in management practices. Embracing conservation agriculture as a foundation for sustainable intensification (SI) offers a promising solution, particularly in rainfed and delicate ecosystems, while also safeguarding natural resources. Conservation agriculture techniques have demonstrated the ability to achieve higher yields with fewer inputs (such as costs, water, energy, and labour), mitigate environmental degradation, encourage the use of organic materials (thus discouraging residue burning), enhance soil health, and improve resilience to climate-related risks.

While conservation agriculture is not a one-size-fits-all solution, it has a proven track record of revitalizing agriculture, as seen in South America's experience over the past 35 years, where it propelled cereal and oilseed production to new heights. Therefore, for addressing the challenges of resource depletion and narrowing management yield gaps, conservation agriculture-based sustainable intensification stands as a fundamental approach.

Over the last 20 years, significant research endeavors have focused on the development, adaptation, and expansion of conservation agriculture for sustainable intensification. These efforts have been spearheaded by various entities such as ICAR, State Agriculture Universities (SAUs), CIMMYT, CGIAR centers, developmental departments, NGOs, private sector actors, and farmers' organizations. While there exist promising success stories involving conservation agriculture technologies, the full potential impact has yet to be realized.

Conservation agriculture represents a collection of farming techniques centered around minimal mechanical disturbance of the soil, diversified crop rotation, and maintaining permanent soil cover with crop residues. Its primary goals are to mitigate soil erosion, enhance soil fertility, and optimize resource utilization through conservation agriculture-driven technologies. Conservation Agriculture offers a multitude of tangible and intangible advantages, including lowered production costs, time savings, boosted yields via timely planting, improved water efficiency, resilience to climate fluctuations, decreased occurrences of diseases and pests due to increased biological diversity, minimized environmental impacts, and ultimately, enhancements in soil health. India can impart complete technical knowledge to the Central Asian countries on enhancing agricultural yield and progress towards food security.

Erkinbek Kamalov




The article explores the potential for cooperation between India and Central Asian nations in the agriculture sector to enhance food security in the region. It highlights the existing reliance of Central Asian countries on imported food items and agricultural resources, with significant portions sourced from Russia. The importance of trade relationships with Russia and intra-regional agricultural food trade is emphasized.  Despite challenges, Central Asia is progressing towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal 2 of Zero Hunger. However, issues such as sustainable agriculture and natural resource management remain critical for food security and rural welfare. The article suggests prioritizing land and forest management, enhancing resource efficiency, and promoting sustainable farming practices to achieve economic, social, and environmental benefits.  Streamlining border procedures, creating agricultural clusters, and improving road connectivity are identified as key steps to overcome obstacles to cooperation. Conservation agriculture is proposed as a promising solution to increase agronomic yield while safeguarding natural resources. India is positioned to share its expertise in conservation agriculture with Central Asian countries.  The article also discusses the importance of research and development in conservation agriculture and the potential impact of such technologies on production costs, yields, water efficiency, climate resilience, and soil health. Overall, the article advocates for collaboration between India and Central Asia to enhance agricultural productivity and food security in the region.

India-Central Asia can cooperate on agriculture sector for food security

"Unmasking Smoke: Assessing the Effectiveness and Impact of the Bloomberg Global Tobacco Campaign"

The Global Tobacco Campaign led by Michael Bloomberg through the Bloomberg Initiative has been both lauded and criticized for its efforts to combat tobacco use globally. With a pledge of $1.58 billion since 2005, Bloomberg's initiative has aimed to reduce tobacco consumption in low and middle-income countries. However, questions have been raised about the motivations behind Bloomberg's campaign, with critics citing concerns about financial influence on policy decisions and potential conflicts of interest.

Criticism has also been directed at Bloomberg's advocacy tactics, including accusations of paternalism and infringement on personal freedoms through policies such as outdoor smoking bans and raising the legal age for tobacco purchase. Despite Bloomberg's success as a businessman and politician, his methods in combating tobacco use have faced skepticism and scrutiny.

Criticism extends to Bloomberg's lobbying efforts within international health organizations like the World Health Organization (WHO) and his influence on global tobacco control policies. While Bloomberg's philanthropic contributions have supported initiatives to reduce tobacco use, concerns linger about undue influence and conflicts of interest.

The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids has undertaken targeted efforts to address tobacco control in Central Asia, focusing on legislative advocacy and media campaigns. However, transparency issues regarding funding sources and policy advocacy strategies have raised doubts about the effectiveness and credibility of these initiatives.

In conclusion, while the Bloomberg Initiative's Global Tobacco Campaign has mobilized resources and attention toward combating tobacco use globally and in Central Asian countries, critical questions remain about its effectiveness, transparency, and impact.

Global Tobacco Campaign of Bloomberg Initiative

Michael Bloomberg's efforts to reduce global tobacco use through the Bloomberg Initiative have received both praise and criticism. Since 2005, Bloomberg has pledged $1.58 billion to combat tobacco use in low and middle-income countries. However, concerns have been raised about Bloomberg's financial influence on policy decisions, with some critics equating his contributions to bribery for foreign governments and NGOs. Questions remain about his motivations and the effectiveness of his tactics. Some critics argue that there is a conflict of interest with Bloomberg's fortune being built on a financial information system used by the tobacco industry. Furthermore, Bloomberg's anti-tobacco campaign has faced accusations of paternalism and infringement on personal freedoms. Critics say banning smoking outdoors and raising the legal age for buying tobacco limit individual freedom. Public health is important, but it shouldn't restrict individual rights. This research highlights the complexities and criticisms of Bloomberg's anti-tobacco efforts.

Is his current campaign purely philanthropic, or is there a touch of penance involved; Who is Michael Bloomberg?

He is a billionaire founder of Bloomberg LP and former mayor of New York City. Bloomberg uses his wealth to influence politics and push his policies. His political ambitions have taken many forms, from mayor to unsuccessful presidential candidate. Bloomberg was elected as NYC mayor in 2001. During his three terms in office, he was known as a pragmatic and business-minded leader. He implemented policies to boost the city's economy, improve public health, and tackle climate change. His administration focused on reducing crime rates and implementing strict public health measures (including banning smoking indoors). Although, Bloomberg's time as mayor was not without controversy. Critics claimed he was out of touch with ordinary New Yorkers, especially on income inequality and police accountability.

His support for controversial policing tactics like stop-and-frisk drew criticism, particularly from communities of color who were most affected by these policies. Despite criticisms, Bloomberg's political influence grew due to his wealth and media empire. He considered running for president as an independent in 2008 and 2012 but chose not to. In 2019, Bloomberg entered national politics by running for the Democratic presidential nomination. His campaign stood out for its huge spending and unconventional tactics. He skipped early primary states and targeted Super Tuesday, spending heavily on advertising and investing millions of dollars in his campaign. Despite his wealth and political machine, Bloomberg's presidential bid failed. After a disappointing start in primaries, he ended his campaign. He endorsed Joe Biden, the eventual Democratic nominee. He played a key role in funding Democratic efforts for the 2020 election and advocates for gun control, climate change, and public health.

Bloomberg has invested nearly $1.58 billion since 2005 in combating tobacco use globally, establishing himself as a major player in the field. His charities, such as Bloomberg Philanthropies, fund organizations and campaigns, that influence global tobacco control policies. Bloomberg's organizations act as a "private government," shaping policy decisions through funding, drafting laws, and working directly with government leaders. Concerns were raised about the ethical implications of such practices with parallels to bribery.

Bloomberg's anti-tobacco efforts were criticized for emphasis on banning harm-reducing technologies like vaping. Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK) backed by Bloomberg Philanthropies, faced criticism for 

 to post anti-vaping messages on social media. Critics denounced the approach for lacking grassroots support and potentially restricting adult access to harm-reduction products.

Bloomberg-funded groups are directly working with government leaders and drafting legislation raising concerns about potential undue influence and ethical implications. While aiming to reduce smoking rates, the focus on banning or severely restricting alternatives to traditional smoking questions the true motives behind anti-tobacco efforts.

There is a concern that Bloomberg's initiatives may focus more on policy battles than on reducing smoking rates or improving public health outcomes. Bloomberg's anti-tobacco initiatives go beyond taxes and advertising restrictions to include direct engagement with policymakers and funding lobbying efforts. Reports suggest that Bloomberg's groups position themselves as essential resources for regulators and lawmakers, influencing global tobacco control policies. This raises concerns about a global lobbying network and exploiting developing countries for broader agendas. Bloomberg's initiatives have significant implications for developing nations, where foreign NGOs can influence policy decisions. While the intention may be to support tobacco control efforts, the methods employed raise questions about interference in internal affairs. Critics advocate for local initiatives and experts over external agendas.

Bloomberg Initiative in World Health Organization & COP:

Bloomberg uses his wealth to influence international health organizations like the WHO. Since 2005, Bloomberg has funded tobacco control efforts in low- and middle-income countries. His philanthropic organization, Bloomberg Philanthropies, works closely with the WHO and partners to reduce tobacco use. One of their key collaborations is implementing the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), an international treaty to reduce tobacco demand and supply. Bloomberg Philanthropies supports FCTC implementation, including tobacco taxation, smoke-free laws, and advertising bans.

Bloomberg also influences WHO in public health beyond just tobacco control. His investments have supported initiatives to improve road safety, address urban health challenges, and strengthen health data systems. Critics worry about Bloomberg's influence on WHO and other health agencies. Some argue that his philanthropic contributions may unduly influence the priorities and agenda-setting processes of these organizations, potentially leading to conflicts of interest or biases in decision-making.

Bloomberg has used his resources to support COP meetings and promote evidence-based strategies to reduce global tobacco use. These meetings, organized by the WHO FCTC, help countries coordinate efforts to implement the treaty's provisions and reduce tobacco demand and supply.

Bloomberg recognized the importance of working together to address the tobacco issue, as shown by his involvement in COP sessions. His philanthropic organization, Bloomberg Philanthropies, plays a key role in contributing to these meetings. Despite controversies, Bloomberg's activities with COP meetings continue. Some critics are concerned about the influence of Bloomberg in COP. They argue that influence may undermine the autonomy and integrity of the COP discussions potentially leading to conflicts or biases in decision-making.

What is The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK)?

Over the past decade, CTFK has been actively involved in the Bloomberg Tobacco Reduction Initiative, which aims to save lives by combating tobacco use worldwide. The campaign focuses on advocating policy change in low- and middle-income countries in line with the Bloomberg Initiative, with significant achievements in priority countries such as Bangladesh, China, India, Russia, and Indonesia. These achievements include policy changes related to smoke-free environments, tobacco advertising, sales promotion, sponsorship, and pictorial health warning labels. In addition, the campaign made progress in promoting tobacco taxation and secured tax increases in several countries. In addition, the campaign contributed to global anti-smoking victories, such as Uruguay's success in arbitration against Philip Morris International.

The campaign has focused on achieving significant policy changes in each priority country, including advocating for tobacco tax increases. The objectives align with the MPOWER package, seeking comprehensive protection from secondhand smoke, large pictorial health warnings, and bans on tobacco advertising, sponsorship, and promotion. Additionally, the campaign has expanded tax advocacy work, particularly in India, the Philippines, and Ukraine. It has also addressed tobacco industry interference, aiming to hold the industry accountable through exposure, litigation, and capacity-building efforts.

While the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids has achieved notable successes in advancing tobacco control policies globally, some aspects warrant critical examination. Firstly, the campaign's emphasis on tax increases as a primary strategy may overlook the nuanced socio-economic factors affecting tobacco use, potentially neglecting alternative approaches to reducing tobacco consumption. Moreover, the reliance on external funding from entities like Bloomberg Philanthropies and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation raises questions about the sustainability and autonomy of the campaign's initiatives. There's a risk that the prioritization of funders' objectives may overshadow local priorities and needs, undermining the efficacy of tobacco control efforts in LMICs. Additionally, the focus on litigation against the tobacco industry, while important, may divert resources away from community-based interventions and grassroots advocacy efforts, limiting the campaign's impact on the ground.

Questionable Effectiveness and Counterproductive Outcomes

Despite Bloomberg's assertions of success, the effectiveness of his anti-smoking programs remains dubious. In Turkey, hailed as a success story by WHO standards, adult smoking rates paradoxically surged from 27% to 31% between 2012 and 2018. Similarly, in the Philippines, aggressive anti-smoking measures driven by Bloomberg's lobbyists led to widespread arrests and penalties, exacerbating the issue instead of mitigating it.

Bloomberg's advocacy for aggressive tax hikes inadvertently incentivizes tobacco smuggling, driving consumers towards illicit markets. This not only undermines legitimate businesses but also poses significant health risks due to the unregulated nature of smuggled products.

The implementation of Bloomberg-backed policies, particularly bans on flavored tobacco products, has yielded unintended consequences for public health. Studies in California indicate a marked increase in youth smoking following such bans, suggesting a counterproductive outcome. Bloomberg's funding is predominantly directed towards developing nations, raising questions about his true motivations and potential conflicts of interest.

Critics speculate that Bloomberg's anti-smoking initiatives serve as a guise for establishing a global lobbying network. By funding anti-smoking NGOs, he gains influence over developing nations, potentially leveraging them to advance broader agendas. Bloomberg-backed groups prioritize the establishment of a global lobbying network over crafting effective legislation, resulting in poorly devised anti-tobacco initiatives.

Analysis of the 2017 Strategy Document of the Anti-Tobacco Campaign:

The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids' Executive Summary outlines a decade of work in global tobacco control, highlighting achievements, strategies, and goals for the future. While commendable progress has been made, a critical analysis reveals areas of concern and potential shortcomings.

The document boasts significant policy changes in priority countries, citing achievements in implementing health warnings and tobacco tax increases. However, the claim of saving over 30 million lives is based on estimates, and lacking empirical evidence. Without robust data, such assertions risk overstating impact and credibility.

Despite policy progress, a gap exists between enactment and effective implementation. While policies may be adopted, enforcement and compliance remain challenges, particularly in LMICs. Without addressing this implementation gap, the impact of policy changes may be limited, undermining the overall effectiveness of efforts.

The document outlines priorities for the coming years, focusing on select LMICs and policy objectives aligned with funders' priorities. While strategic prioritization is essential, the exclusion of certain countries or regions raises questions about equity and inclusivity. Neglecting certain areas may perpetuate disparities in tobacco control efforts.

Efforts to tackle industry interference are outlined, including exposure campaigns and litigation. However, the absence of specific objectives for holding the tobacco industry accountable at a global level is notable. Without clear targets for industry accountability, efforts may lack teeth, allowing the industry to continue exerting influence unchecked.

The summary sets ambitious goals, including saving 100 million lives and strengthening tobacco control movements. While aspirations are commendable, the lack of concrete metrics for measuring success raises concerns about accountability and evaluation. Without clear benchmarks, assessing progress becomes challenging, hindering strategic decision-making.

CTFK has undertaken a targeted approach to address tobacco control in the Central Asia region, encompassing Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Mongolia. Here's a breakdown of their activities and strategies:

 Efforts are underway to advocate for comprehensive tobacco control laws in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, alongside enhanced enforcement mechanisms to combat nasvai use in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.

 Strategies involve countering tobacco industry interference through targeted advocacy campaigns, media engagement, and capacity-building initiatives aimed at strengthening regulatory frameworks and enforcement mechanisms.

 The focus is on identifying opportunities to pass robust tobacco control legislation in each country, leveraging regional partnerships and international support to overcome political inertia and industry resistance.

 Activities include promoting knowledge-sharing, skill-building, and peer exchange opportunities to enhance local capacity in tobacco control advocacy, policy analysis, and enforcement.

While the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK) has outlined a comprehensive strategy for addressing tobacco control in the Central Asia region, there are several areas where their activities may face criticism and challenges related to transparency:

Lack of Transparency in Funding Sources: CTFK's activities rely heavily on funding from various sources, including grants and donations. However, the transparency of these funding sources may be questioned, especially if there is a lack of clarity regarding the identities of donors or any potential conflicts of interest. Without full transparency in funding sources, there could be concerns about the influence of donors on CTFK's advocacy priorities and strategies. While CTFK advocates for evidence-based tobacco control policies endorsed by the WHO FCTC, there may be concerns about bias in their advocacy efforts. If CTFK receives funding from certain organizations or entities with vested interests in specific policy outcomes, there could be questions about the objectivity and impartiality of their advocacy work. Transparency in funding sources and potential conflicts of interest is essential to maintain credibility and trustworthiness in policy advocacy.

CTFK through its partners continues to fund projects in the region. We dive into their project activities per country:

In Kazakhstan, the enforcement of smoke-free policies was an initiative undertaken by the Public Fund 'Center of Support and the Development of Public Health in Kazakhstan' (PF) between August 2007 and December 2008. With a focus on Almaty, the project aimed to bolster the implementation and enforcement of smoke-free policies while advocating for higher tobacco taxes. This targeted effort not only sought to create smoke-free environments in public spaces but also aimed to address the economic aspect of tobacco control by advocating for tax increases.

Jamila Sadykova, a project manager of this project is a prominent advocate for tobacco control in Kazakhstan, she’s leading initiatives at both local and national levels. She spearheads the "For Smoke-free Kazakhstan" coalition, advocating for stricter tobacco control measures and conducting awareness campaigns. Notably, her efforts in Almaty resulted in increased enforcement of tobacco laws. Sadykova actively engages with government officials to prioritize tobacco control, emphasizing the health impacts of smoking. Additionally, she focuses on research and education to raise awareness among medical professionals and the public. Currently, she continues to contribute to tobacco control efforts through various advisory roles and participation in international working groups. Jamila Sadykova in the past also received funding from the Open Society Foundation to support her tobacco control initiatives in Kazakhstan.

Jamila Sadykova's role in tobacco control initiatives in Kazakhstan appears commendable on the surface, with her leadership in advocacy and awareness campaigns. However, despite her prominent position, there seems to be ambiguity regarding her specific intentions and goals within the broader context of tobacco control. Jamila is actively involved in the formation of political forces that effectively harness Bloomberg's financial resources to further their respective initiatives, thereby establishing a significant precedent for political interference.Moreover, Sadykova's attempt to become an MP is evident in her efforts to establish a lobbying network and influence policymakers. By doing so, she aimed not only to extend Bloomberg's influence in Kazakhstan but also to advance her own political aspirations. This suggests that her primary goal isn't solely to combat tobacco but also to fulfill her personal ambitions by becoming a prominent figure in Kazakhstani politics.

Sadykova is also distributing the Bloomberg funds across the region to her colleagues and partners. She attempts to distance herself from any association with Bloomberg's funding, yet she was compelled to acknowledge this connection during a court proceeding in 2011. Then, she confirmed in court that she received a $106,000 grant from the Bloomberg Initiative To Reduce Tobacco Use Grants Program. She argued that it was not directly from the Bloomberg Foundation but part of a global initiative against tobacco smoking in low-income countries. Sadykova had previously denied receiving grants from abroad. She claimed there was a deliberate campaign against her organized by the tobacco lobby, with the Union of Sports Journalists allegedly involved. However, the editor-in-chief of the Megapolis newspaper refuted her claim. The plaintiffs sought 10 million tenge in compensation for moral damage. The defendant, editor-in-chief of the Kazakhstan Today news agency, believed Sadykova's court appeal was merely a PR tactic.

In 2023, Svetlana Romanovskaya, head of the National League of Consumers (NLC), won a lawsuit against Jamila Sadykova. The court ordered Sadykova to pay Romanovskaya 600,000 tenge in court costs. Sadykova had sued Romanovskaya for defamation after Romanovskaya accused her of serving the interests of cigarette manufacturers by advocating for a ban on vapes and other less harmful alternatives to cigarettes. Romanovskaya and the NLC criticized Sadykova for focusing on banning vapes instead of combating traditional cigarettes. They also raised concerns about Sadykova’s funding sources, pointing out that her NGO “Temeksiz” is not listed in the registry of NGOs receiving foreign funding. The NLC called for government agencies to investigate Sadykova's activities as a foreign agent. Additionally, the NLC had further questions for Sadykova regarding her funding for foreign trips and the expectations of her foreign grantors. They believe addressing these inquiries will clarify who benefits from Sadykova’s activism.

Following the public scandals, Sadykova began receiving grants without disclosing the identities of the grantors. Only, in the last four years, she received grants in the amount of 600,000 USD.

 The Global Tobacco Campaign led by Michael Bloomberg through the Bloomberg Initiative has been both lauded and criticized for its efforts to combat tobacco use globally. With a pledge of $1.58 billion since 2005, Bloomberg's initiative has aimed to reduce tobacco consumption in low and middle-income countries. However, questions have been raised about the motivations behind Bloomberg's campaign, with critics citing concerns about financial influence on policy decisions and potential conflicts of interest.  Criticism has also been directed at Bloomberg's advocacy tactics, including accusations of paternalism and infringement on personal freedoms through policies such as outdoor smoking bans and raising the legal age for tobacco purchase. Despite Bloomberg's success as a businessman and politician, his methods in combating tobacco use have faced skepticism and scrutiny.  Criticism extends to Bloomberg's lobbying efforts within international health organizations like the World Health Organization (WHO) and his influence on global tobacco control policies. While Bloomberg's philanthropic contributions have supported initiatives to reduce tobacco use, concerns linger about undue influence and conflicts of interest.  The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids has undertaken targeted efforts to address tobacco control in Central Asia, focusing on legislative advocacy and media campaigns. However, transparency issues regarding funding sources and policy advocacy strategies have raised doubts about the effectiveness and credibility of these initiatives.  In conclusion, while the Bloomberg Initiative's Global Tobacco Campaign has mobilized resources and attention toward combating tobacco use globally and in Central Asian countries, critical questions remain about its effectiveness, transparency, and impact. 

Unmasking Smoke: Assessing the Effectiveness of the Bloomberg Tobacco Campaign


Central Asia stands at a crossroads, presented with the opportunity to leverage e-commerce for economic growth and regional integration. This policy paper explores the success story of India's e-commerce sector, identifying key drivers and transferable lessons for Central Asian nations. By addressing critical infrastructure gaps and fostering an enabling policy environment, Central Asia can unlock its e-commerce potential and navigate the "Digital Silk Road" towards a more prosperous future.


The global e-commerce landscape is experiencing explosive growth, offering developing nations a powerful tool for economic diversification and inclusion. This paper examines the case of India, a nation that has witnessed a remarkable rise in its e-commerce sector. By analyzing India's success factors, this paper aims to provide actionable recommendations for Central Asian countries seeking to cultivate their own thriving digital economies.


India's E-Commerce Boom: A Model for Success


India's e-commerce sector has emerged as a global force, driven by a confluence of factors. A burgeoning internet user base exceeding 880 million, coupled with widespread smartphone adoption and affordable data plans, has created a fertile ground for online commerce. Additionally, the Government e-marketplace (GeM) has achieved impressive growth, demonstrating the potential for e-commerce to enhance government efficiency and transparency.


Central Asia: E-Commerce Potential and Challenges


While India serves as a compelling example, Central Asia presents a distinct e-commerce landscape. Countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan exhibit promising growth trajectories, attracting international players and offering innovative online shopping experiences. However, significant challenges remain, including limited internet penetration, particularly in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, and lagging infrastructure development. These hurdles impede the creation of a robust e-commerce ecosystem.


Unlocking Central Asia's Digital Potential: Policy Recommendations


To harness the transformative power of e-commerce, Central Asian nations must prioritize the following policy recommendations:


•	Prioritize ICT Infrastructure Development: Invest in expanding broadband internet coverage, particularly in rural areas, and foster innovation in information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure.
•	Develop Robust Mobile Banking Systems: Create secure and accessible mobile banking platforms to facilitate online transactions and build trust among consumers.
•	Strengthen Cybersecurity Measures: Implement robust data protection protocols and bolster cybersecurity safeguards to build confidence within the e-commerce ecosystem.
•	Optimize Logistics and Delivery Networks: Invest in modernizing urban freight logistics and improving connectivity throughout the region to ensure efficient and cost-effective delivery processes.
•	Promote Policy and Regulatory Frameworks: Establish policies that incentivize the adoption of advanced technologies, streamline e-commerce regulations, and facilitate access to high-speed internet connectivity.
•	Foster Regional Collaboration: Promote cross-border cooperation among Central Asian nations to encourage knowledge sharing, harmonize e-commerce regulations, and develop a unified "Digital Silk Road" strategy.


By adopting these recommendations and learning from India's experience, Central Asian nations can bridge the digital divide and transform their economies through e-commerce. This transformation can lead to increased economic growth, job creation, and regional integration, propelling Central Asia towards a brighter future on the "Digital Silk Road."


This paper urges policymakers, development partners, and private sector stakeholders in Central Asia to work collaboratively to implement these recommendations. By prioritizing e-commerce development, Central Asia can unlock its economic potential and emerge as a significant player in the global digital marketplace.



This paper examines the burgeoning Indian e-commerce sector and its potential to serve as a model for Central Asian countries seeking to develop their own digital economies. The analysis explores the factors that have propelled India's e-commerce growth, including a rapidly expanding internet user base, increasing smartphone penetration, and affordable data plans. It then contrasts this scenario with the current state of e-commerce in Central Asia, highlighting both existing opportunities and key challenges.

E-Commerce Landscape: Lessons from India and Opportunities for Central Asia

Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR) Business Forum and its takeaways


On April 2nd, the Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR - Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region) business forum was held in Bishkek, and with its results, agreements on the implementation of useful projects with a total amount of more than 1 billion US dollars were signed. With this, it became clear that Chinese companies are interested in small- medium projects when it comes to alternative energy resources.


At the beginning of the Forum, a short video about the investment opportunities in Kyrgyzstan was shown in Chinese language. During the Forum, Bakyt Turobaev, Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic and he is also Minister of Water Management, Agriculture, and Processing Industry, spoke about attractive deposits for investment and opportunities for Kyrgyz-Chinese cooperation. Trade between Kyrgyzstan and China increased by 30% compared to last year. Foreign direct investment (FDI) from China increased by 27% in 2023. There are hectares of arable land for investment in agriculture in Kyrgyzstan. Currently, Kyrgyz-Chinese relations have risen to the highest strategic level, and this event (Forum) is proof of such relations. In his speech, he invited Chinese investors to pay more attention to the potential of green energy in Kyrgyzstan considering its nature and create more joint ventures between the two countries in this field. So far, only 10% of hydropower potential has been implemented. To support his views, he emphasized, that there are huge investment opportunities for solar, wind, and geothermal. For investment in small and medium-sized hydroelectric power plants, Kyrgyzstan has liberal laws to protect businesses and further develop its investment. Investors are protected by their earned capital and the operation of a liberal banking system within Kyrgyzstan and transactions with other countries. The Kyrgyz side said that it is ready for negotiations to switch to conducting mutual settlements partially in the Chinese currency – RMB (yuan) and that this step would lead to diversification of the financial system of the Kyrgyz economy as well. He also spoke about GSP+ in the frame of which Kyrgyzstan is entitled to export great varieties of goods to the EU without special tax, in favorable conditions.
After that, the Chairman of the People's Government of XUAR, Erkin Tuniyaz, briefly touched on the historical ties between Xinjiang and Central Asia within the framework of the Great Silk Road and the geographically convenient connection, made a brief presentation about the economic achievements of the Chinese government, as well as the global community of common destiny, and urged Kyrgyzstan to build a future society together and He invited to contribute to the development of Sino-Kyrgyz relations along with the wide use of business opportunities in the XUAR region.
According to the information of the main organizers of the forum - the National Investment Agency under the President of the Kyrgyz Republic and the China Council for the Development of International Trade: the following agreements and memorandums were signed in the total amount of 1 billion 151 million US dollars.


 An investment agreement was signed between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and "Dachenglongyuan Energy Technology" LLC in the city of Xinjiang near the "Erkechtam-autodorozhny" checkpoint on the Kyrgyz-Chinese border of the Alai district (Osh region);


 A memorandum was signed between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and "Dachenglongyuan Energy Technology" LLC in Xinjiang on the construction of a wind power plant in Erkestam region of Alai district (Osh region);


 A memorandum on cooperation between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Chinese Tebian Electric Apparatus electric and photoelectric company on the capital repair of blocks #3 and #4 of the CHP was signed (Bishkek city);


 An agreement was signed between the state enterprise "Kyrgyzkomur" and the company "Huasing Coal Industry Company" in the Shuichen district of the People's Republic of China and the subsidiary company "Umar Too Ken" LLC in the Kyrgyz Republic on the joint operation of the Tulek section of Kok-suusu - Kok - Yangak coal mine (Jalal-Abad region)


 An agreement was signed between the state enterprise "Kyrgyzkomur" and the company Huaxing Coal Industrial Company in the Shuichen district of the People's Republic of China on joint activities on conducting joint geological exploration works in the "Tulek" section of the Kok-Yangak coal mine (Jalal-Abad region);


 An agreement was signed between the state enterprise "Kyrgyzkomur" and the coal industry company "Huasing" in the Shuichen district of the People's Republic of China on the joint development of the Markai section of the Kok-Yangak coal mine (Jalal-Abad region);


 Office of the Authorized Representative of the President of the Kyrgyz Republic (for Naryn region) and "Zhongtian Zhicontrol Technology Holding Co., Ltd. - (Zhongtian Zhicontrol Technology Holding. Co. Ltd.) signed a memorandum on the implementation of the drone assembly plant construction project.


Chinese state-backed corporations are expanding their operations in Central Asian countries, especially, Kyrgyzstan since it plays the role of gateway to the Central Asian market. At the same time Chinese side has been avoiding being a reason for tension between CA countries for instance, the Tajik government initiative to build Rogun, a hydroelectric power plant (HPP) in Tajikistan or Kambar-Ata HPP in Kyrgyzstan, which requires a long-term and very large investment, and secondly, there is a risk of causing problems in the future due to water shortage in the BA region. Therefore, relatively cheaper and less time-consuming projects are attractive to the current Chinese economy. Moreover, 15-25 years ago, China was mainly interested in gold extractive industry projects in Kyrgyzstan, but last few years, it seems that it has shown a great interest in investing in medium and small alternative (green) energy production projects that do not require large and long term financial investments and commitments. Also, the increase in the number of joint Kyrgyz-Chinese enterprises in the production of energy resources and the hiring of local people for middle-high ranking jobs is a relatively new trend in Kyrgyz-Chinese business relations. Basically, in China, many companies that are operating in a strategic field for the Chinese economy have always been under the control or support of the state apparatus. This ‘preferential treatment’ in turn, often provides considerable advantage in competition with foreign corporations during the global crisis.


The Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR - Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region) Business Forum held on April 2nd in Bishkek showcased a significant stride in bilateral economic cooperation. Key takeaways from the event include agreements totaling over 1 billion US dollars for various beneficial projects, highlighting Chinese companies' interest in small to medium-sized ventures, particularly in alternative energy resources.

Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR) Business Forum and its takeaways

India's fintech landscape, ranked as the third-largest on a global scale, is anticipated to achieve an annual revenue of $70 billion by FY30, constituting 18–20 per cent of the addressable financial services revenue pool. Boasting over 9,000 fintech entities, India stands as the host to the third-highest quantity of fintechs worldwide and commands a 14 per cent share of start-up funding within the country. Additionally, the report predicts that the fintech industry is on track to yield $400 billion in value creation by 2030, signifying a quadruple increase from its present state.

Funding has tripled from 2018 to 2022. Currently, fintech companies dominate digital payment transactions, with their share experiencing a 2.3-fold increase in FY22 compared to FY19. The Fintech sector received funding of $2 billion in 2023.India solidified its position as a major player on the global stage by ranking 3rd globally in 2023 for fintech startup funding. The Indian FinTech landscape has established itself as a powerful global influence and persists in expanding as one of the foremost FinTech markets worldwide. India has broadened its fintech reach with the launch of Unified Payment Interface (UPI), RuPay services in Sri Lanka and Mauritius. Earlier UPI commenced its operations in France.

The implementation will streamline UPI settlement services for Indian citizens journeying to Sri Lanka and Mauritius, and also for Mauritian nationals during their visits to India. Furthermore, the expansion of RuPay card services in Mauritius will empower Mauritian banks to issue cards using the RuPay mechanism, enhancing smooth transactions between India and Mauritius. Last year India has proposed to provide technology patented by the Indian central bank known as UPI, free of cost to Central Asian countries for their independent use. Such a system will greatly enhance commercial linkages and benefit people who may have to travel to India for medical treatment. It will also help businessmen and Indian students who are studying in those countries.

Moreover, in February 2023, PhonePe, a prominent Indian digital payment and fintech firm, introduced cross-border UPI payments under UPI International. This feature allows users to utilize their Indian bank accounts for transactions at merchant outlets in the UAE, Singapore, Mauritius, Nepal, and Bhutan. At present, India is setting the template for the rest of the world with its innovative models in fintech and financial services.

The share of insurtechs, specifically in sectors such as motor insurance, has grown 5x from FY19 to FY22.

Google India Digital Services and the National Payments Corporation of India, the innovator behind UPI, have entered into an agreement to expand the reach of UPI's services beyond the borders of India. The collaboration aims to enhance the ease of payments for Indian travellers outside the country and lay the groundwork for UPI-inspired payment systems to be adopted globally. UPI stated, "This aligns with NPCI's commitment to strengthening India's presence in the international digital payment arena." The partnership will also contribute to streamlining remittances by reducing reliance on traditional money transfer channels.

The fintech sector presents significant growth opportunities, particularly in emerging markets, as 1.5 billion adults worldwide remain unbanked, and an additional 2.8 billion adults are underbanked. A recent report from IIFL FinTech emphasized India's status as a global fintech powerhouse, projecting its fintech market to surpass US$ 1 trillion by 2030.

Fintech enterprises in India provide a diverse range of products and services encompassing credit (lending), payments (P2C and P2P), investments, trading, personal finance, wealth management, credit ratings, insurance, and more. India boasts one of the most dynamic fintech sectors globally, and its growth prospects remain promising. With nearly half of the country yet to access online services, the sector is poised for further expansion, especially as India embraces the 5G era in the coming decade.

Various sub-sectors within fintech have surfaced and gained traction among major players in the global financial sector. The Indian financial services industry has entered the realm of digital transformation, swiftly closing the gap with its international counterparts in terms of adoption. Numerous fintech hubs have developed worldwide, including but not limited to the US, the UK, Israel, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Sydney. These hubs could potentially serve as benchmarks for the evolution of fintech in emerging markets. Indian fintech revenues expected to grow at 35%+ annually to reach $190 billion plus revenues by 2030. In the evolving Indian Fintech landscape, key priorities include: focusing on fiscal prudence and sustainable profitability, harnessing emerging technologies like GenAI for functional solutions, establishing a clear policy framework defining roles and responsibilities, fostering private innovation within DPI 2.0 for inclusion, and seizing growth opportunities in embedded finance, BaaS 2.0, CBDCs, and contextual lending.

Releasing the report during its Annual Meeting 2024 in Davos, the World Economic Forum said fintech’s are increasingly expanding operations across borders, mainly in the same region as their headquarters. The study reveals that vibrant hubs such as Singapore, the UK, the US, and India have hosted a thriving cluster of fintech corporate headquarters. Among the countries surveyed, the most significant operating countries for fintech’s include the US, the UK, Singapore, Mexico, and India.

 India's fintech landscape, ranked as the third-largest on a global scale, is anticipated to achieve an annual revenue of $70 billion by FY30, constituting 18–20 per cent of the addressable financial services revenue pool. 

India’s fintech sector gains global popularity, CA region can benefit from it

Unveiling the Unjust Campaign Against Indian Pharmaceutical Industry

The Indian pharmaceutical sector has long been hailed as a beacon of affordable healthcare solutions, particularly for those in developing nations. Recognized as the "pharmacy of the world," India's production of generic medicines has provided a lifeline for many who cannot afford brand-name drugs from large medical corporations. However, a dark shadow looms over this vital industry, as recent publications attempt to tarnish its reputation and sow doubt regarding the quality and safety of Indian medications.

In December 2023, Livemint sparked concerns by reporting that the US had recalled 'substandard' Indian medications, fueling fears about the reliability of Indian pharmaceutical products. This narrative, however, is just one element of a broader campaign that has been in the making for years.

In July 2022, a tragic incident in Gambia, where several children allegedly died due to Indian-made cough syrup, shocked the world. Initial reports from Reuters and Al Jazeera, amplified by Indian media, implicated Indian medicine in the deaths. Yet, subsequent investigations revealed a different truth. Gambian authorities disclosed that many of the children hadn't even consumed the medicine in question, and the deaths were attributed to sanitation and water issues. Despite this, the negative portrayal of Indian medicine persisted.

In March 2023, a report from CDC Africa implicated Indian medicine, citing an old WHO advisory about medicines containing Diethylene Glycol. However, as of June 2023, the World Health Organization could not confirm any association between Indian medicine and the Gambian deaths. Nevertheless, doubt had been planted.

In July 2023, Bloomberg uncovered instances of 'inferior' Indian medicine in Iraq, prompting further scrutiny. However, the credibility of Bloomberg's testing firm, Valisure, was questioned due to past fabrications.

These incidents are part of a broader pattern, with similar stories emerging from different regions, creating a global narrative of questionable Indian medicine quality. This pattern is underscored by the involvement of Dinesh Thakur, a prominent activist who has previously exposed shortcomings in the industry. Through the Thakur Family Foundation, Thakur funded various organizations, including media outlets like The Wire, which propagated anti-Indian pharma narratives.

Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, media reports, particularly those funded by TFF, have been notably negative, emphasizing flaws in Indian medicine and vaccines while downplaying successes from other countries. Such biased reporting not only distorts public perception but also contributes to a broader propaganda effort against Indian pharmaceuticals, primarily led by Western nations and their media outlets.

The narrative of 'faulty' Indian medicine goes beyond the pharmaceutical industry; it seeks to undermine India's credibility and contributions to healthcare. It highlights the importance of critical media analysis and discerning truth from propaganda in today's interconnected world.

The article "Unveiling the Unjust Campaign Against Indian Pharmaceutical Industry" sheds light on the unjust portrayal of the Indian pharmaceutical sector, renowned for providing affordable healthcare solutions worldwide. Despite its crucial role, recent publications have attempted to tarnish its reputation by questioning the quality and safety of Indian medications.  The narrative began with reports of 'substandard' Indian medicines being recalled by the US, sparking concerns about the reliability of Indian pharmaceutical products. However, a deeper examination reveals a broader campaign that has been ongoing for years.  Key incidents, such as the tragic deaths of children in Gambia allegedly linked to Indian cough syrup, have been sensationalized and misconstrued. Investigations later revealed that the deaths were not directly caused by the medicine, but rather by sanitation and water issues. Similar misleading narratives emerged from other regions, creating a global perception of questionable Indian medicine quality.  Prominent activist Dinesh Thakur, through the Thakur Family Foundation, funded organizations and media outlets that propagated anti-Indian pharma narratives. Especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, biased reporting funded by Thakur's foundation has accentuated flaws in Indian medicine and vaccines while downplaying successes from other countries.  This campaign not only undermines the credibility of the Indian pharmaceutical industry but also seeks to discredit India's contributions to global healthcare. It underscores the importance of critical media analysis in discerning truth from propaganda in today's interconnected world.

In the realm of Kyrgyz gold exports, China stands as a prominent importer; however, questions linger about the openness of operations conducted by Chinese companies in the country.





According to the Kyrgyz National Statistic Committee, gold exports from Kyrgyzstan witnessed a staggering increase of 185.5 times in the January-October period of 2023. Noteworthy importers include China (984.3 kg for $60.1 million), Switzerland (10.6 tons for $665 million), and the UAE (1.2 tons for $80.3 million). This surge in exports is indicative of Kyrgyzstan's active engagement in the gold market, with October alone witnessing the export of 2.9 tonnes for $185.7 million, a substantial increase from the previous year's 290.5 kg valued at $13 million.



Chinese Involvement in Kyrgyz Gold Mining:



Chinese companies are not merely importers but active participants in Kyrgyzstan's extractive industries. Approximately 30 licenses for gold mining are held by Chinese companies within Kyrgyzstan, primarily concentrated in the southern regions near the Irkeshtam border checkpoint.





A thorough examination of the subsoil use licenses register on the Kyrgyz Ministry of Natural Resources, Ecology, and Technical Supervision's website reveals that 28 companies, affiliated with Chinese investments, operate in gold mining. Predominantly, these enterprises are concentrated in the southern region, particularly in Jalal-Abad, with only three in the north (Chui region). This geographical distribution highlights China's strategic focus on the southern gold mining areas.





Significant negotiations are underway between the Kyrgyz Republic and Zijin Mining Corporation, which owns a majority stake in Altynken. This indicates China's intention to invest not only in gold but also in silver and other minerals. The corporation's representatives emphasize the economic benefits for Kyrgyzstan, stressing cooperation in the mining industry.




Despite economic advantages, concerns arise regarding conflicts, environmental impact, and openness. Instances such as the Kichi Chaarat CJSC case, where a criminal investigation was initiated for illegal gold mining, highlight potential risks. Environmental concerns surrounding mining technologies employed by Chinese companies, as seen in protests against the Shambesai and Makmal mines, further emphasize the need for sustainable practices.




Recognizing these challenges, Kyrgyz authorities are working to restore order in subsoil licensing, including gold mining. While no new licenses are being issued, existing licenses for Chinese companies are valid. Stringent adherence to technical safety, environmental protection, and subsoil protection norms is crucial. Continuous monitoring, both by government bodies and local monitoring groups, is essential to ensure compliance and prevent any compromise with environmental norms.





In conclusion, the evolving landscape of Chinese involvement in Kyrgyz gold mining necessitates a delicate balance between economic interests and environmental sustainability. Establishing robust regulatory mechanisms and periodic independent monitoring can mitigate potential risks, contributing to a more open and sustainable mining industry in Kyrgyzstan.



This article delves into the dynamics of China's significant role as a key importer of Kyrgyz gold and its active participation in the country's extractive industries. While the surge in gold exports presents economic opportunities for Kyrgyzstan, concerns loom regarding the operations of Chinese companies, particularly in terms of conflicts, environmental impact, and operational openness. The piece explores notable cases, such as the Kichi Chaarat CJSC incident, shedding light on the delicate balance between economic gains and environmental sustainability. Government measures and recommendations are also discussed, highlighting the evolving landscape and the need for robust regulatory mechanisms to ensure the responsible and transparent conduct of Chinese gold mining activities in Kyrgyzstan.

Oversight Concerns Surrounding Chinese Gold Mining Operations in Kyrgyzstan

Central Asian countries have been increasingly extending visa exemptions to Chinese citizens, raising concerns about potential repercussions in the region. Notably, Kyrgyzstan has taken steps towards this trend, allowing Chinese citizens with valid visas from developed Western nations to enter the country for a limited period. However, this move is viewed by some as a precursor to a comprehensive visa exemption policy, a decision that could have far-reaching consequences. This article delves into the unfolding dynamics of Central Asian countries' visa policies towards China, exploring the potential risks and implications, particularly in fostering anti-China sentiments among the local population.

All neighboring countries of Kyrgyzstan in Central Asian region had granted various visa exemptions to Chinese citizens. Kyrgyzstani authorities also issued a decree according to which, Chinese citizens possessing valid visas to enter developed EU, USA and other highly developed western countries could be granted visa exemption to enter Kyrgyzstan for limited time (7 days). But this might be the first step towards a full visa exemption policy for Chinese by Kyrgyz authorities and it a matter of time. However, aforementioned gesture of Kyrgyz authorities could be a risky step and catalyze anti-Chinese sentiments among Central Asian local population in future.

Kazakhstan's Risky Leap: Visa Exemption and Data Exchange with China:

Kazakhstan granted visa exemption to Chinese citizens in May of 2023. Moreover, the Kazakh Senate went further by ratifying the deal with China on an exchange citizens' personal data of their citizens with one another. Amid concerns of rights watchdogs, the Kazakh Senate ratified aforementioned agreement on October 5 of 2023. Senator Murat Qadyrbek said the deal will would help to regulate visa-free travel between the two neighboring nations approved by an official Astana in August of 2023. Rights activists, however, say the personal data exchange may be used by Chinese government in its ongoing crackdown on indigenous ethnic groups in China's northwestern region of Xinjiang, including Kazakhs, Uyghurs, Kyrgyz, and others. The agreement allows each country to veto applications by its nationals for citizenship in the other, and will make Kazakhstan less safe for members of ethnic minority groups from China's Xinjiang region, while making it much harder for those still in China to flee the country to escape persecution, rights activists and emigre Kazakhs said. It also places mutually agreed quotas on visas and visa-free entry across the two countries' shared border. The deal effectively gives Chinese officials the power of veto over applications for Kazakhstan citizenship made by ethnic Kazakhs who hold Chinese passports, according to Bekzat Maksutkhan, who heads the Kazakhstan-based rights group Atajurt. Those who want to immigrate to Kazakhstan from China or vice versa now need to get the consent of the Chinese/Kazakh side. And also, the Kazakhstan government is obliged to repatriate anyone who immigrated from China and has become a Kazakh national, if the Chinese government requests it. Nurlan Kuhedubai, who emigrated to Kazakhstan from Xinjiang as a child and now lives in Almaty, says it is already much harder for Chinese nationals to settle in Kazakhstan than it used to be. The Chinese and Kazakhstan authorities have been joining forces to persecute Chinese Kazakhs over the past six or seven years, he told Radio Free Asia. They are preventing Kazakhs from emigrating to Kazakhstan." Rights activist Serikzhan Bilash said there is now a crucial bureaucratic hurdle in place that wasn't there before. Previously, someone applying for Kazakhstan citizenship could simply declare that they renounced their Chinese nationality, but under the new agreement, they must produce an official certificate from the Chinese government before they can cease being a national of that country, he told Radio Free Asia.

Kyrgyzstan's Delicate Negotiations: Examining the Prospects of Mutual Visa Exemption:

Kyrgyzstan is currently considering introducing a visa-free regime with China for 10 or 14 days for tourists, businessmen and students. Denis Berdakov, a political scientist and head of the Institute of Socio-Political Studies, told in his Telegram channel why it is necessary to do this and what the reasons are. According to him, the Kyrgyz Republic should initiate a change in the visa regime, even without waiting the same step from China. However, Kyrgyzstan is still in the stage of negotiation with China on mutual elimination of visa requirements for citizens of both countries. Kyrgyzstan proposed to China to abolish the visa regime. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic, Jeenbek Kulubaev, announced this at a meeting of the Jogorku Kenesh (Kyrgyz Parliament) that the Kyrgyz Foreign Minister informed that while on a visit to China, he discussed this issue with his Chinese counterpart. The Chinese side said that the Kyrgyz side should offer security options. Everything will depend on our actions. But they are ready to consider this issue A number of local experts are already expressing their concerns about the creation of conditions for Chinese citizens where they can freely enter the Kyrgyz Republic without going through the currently mandatory procedures. However, there is fear of Chinese expansion. Some activists have concerns about the possible changes in visa procedure with China, citing the security aspect. Beishenbek Abdrazakov, Deputy Chairman of the People’s Kurultai (People’s summit), former MP, spoke that you cannot issue visas to representatives of countries where there are many citizens. And if they enter [our] country, then we need to carefully monitor this. There are certain risks. 200 years ago there were two Chinese in America, now entire [Chinese] cities and neighborhoods have appeared there. And in Russia too, Vladivostok has actually become a Chinese city. But these are major powers, and for small Kyrgyzstan this will be noticeable. At the same time there are liberal opinions on that too. For instance, Kyrgyz businessman Jodar Saidilkan believes that it is quite possible to reduce risks in the areas of security and illegal migration in this matter: “Not only for China, but also citizens of India and Pakistan could be allowed to enter [Kyrgyzstan without a visa], but only through airports. And also provided that they have visas to enter the US, UK, Schengen countries, as well as Japan, South Korea and the Gulf states. Only in this case will wealthy people come here who do not pose a security threat and do not intend to stay in Kyrgyzstan. And this flow [of tourists] will be enough for us. Today, Chinese citizens rank first in the world in terms of the number of travelers (tourists).

In the meantime, Kyrgyz government authorities had decided to allow Chinese citizens holding valid EU, UK and USA visas, as well as residents of Hong Kong and Macao, to enter and stay in the country without visas for up to seven days. The move has yet to be approved by lawmakers. Although, mutual trade and visa exemption will strengthen business cooperation between countries, but local authorities should not ignore concerns and hot discussions on social media platforms by locals regarding possible influx of Chinese citizens in case of full visa exemptions.

As Central Asian nations, including Kyrgyzstan, engage in discussions and negotiations with China over visa exemption policies, it becomes imperative to consider the broader implications of such decisions. While these measures aim to boost tourism, trade, and diplomatic ties, they also carry the potential to ignite anti-China sentiments among the local populace. The recent developments in Kazakhstan, with its visa exemption and data exchange agreement with China, serve as a cautionary tale. As Central Asian countries navigate the delicate balance between economic interests and national sentiments, it is crucial for policymakers to assess the long-term socio-political impact of these decisions. Striking the right balance between fostering international cooperation and safeguarding domestic concerns will be pivotal for the stability and harmony of the region in the face of evolving geopolitical dynamics.

Central Asian countries’ visa exemption policy towards Chinese citizens 

Kyrgyzstan heavily relies on coal for winter heating and thermal plant operations, facing challenges in meeting the increasing demand. In response, the Kyrgyz State coal company, Kyrgyzkomur, has inked agreements with three Chinese companies to develop six major coal fields and establish a $50-million coal logistics center near the Kyrgyz-Chinese border. This collaborative effort stems from official documents signed during Li Qiang's visit, the Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China.

a) Agreement with "Hebei Jinsheng MINING ENGINEERING Co Ltd Co., Ltd" for joint development of the "Tegene" coal field.
b) Joint activity agreement with LLC "Tomiris-Ken" for the development of the "Sulukta field-11" coal field.
c) Joint activities agreement with the Chinese company "Kashi Shunbaofu 

d) Trade and Export Trade Corporation" for the development of the "Torugart 1" coal field.
e) Collaboration with Irkeshtan Port Xingi International Trade Co. Ltd for the Torugart and Karakabyk-Balykty areas.
f) Partnership with Shanci Soal Investment Group LLC for the Ak-Ulak area.
g) Collaboration with Shanci Soal Investment Group LLC for the Besh-Burkhan area.

"Kyrgyzkomur" and Irkeshtan Port Xingi International Trade Co. Ltd plan to construct coal logistics centers near the Kyrgyz-Chinese border, strategically located close to the Torugart checkpoint, and in collaboration with Xinjiang Dacheng Yuanlong Technology Co., LTD in Xinjiang, near Irkeshtan.

Despite these developments, concerns have been raised regarding the impact of the agreements on Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzkomur reveals that while licenses for all three coal fields will remain in Kyrgyzstan's ownership, Chinese investors are entitled to 70% of the extracted coal, leaving only 30% for Kyrgyzstan. Former Kyrgyzkomur director Rasul Umbetaliyev expresses dissatisfaction with this "70-30" share, proposing a more balanced distribution favoring Kyrgyzstan at 60-40. The allure for Chinese investors is attributed to Kyrgyzstan's inexpensive labor and low taxes. In contrast, Mongolia retains 70% of extracted resources for the state, highlighting a significant difference in distribution.

The people of Kyrgyzstan exhibit mixed sentiments towards Chinese investors, evident in previous disruptions to projects involving Chinese businessmen in various regions. Residents near the Solton-Sary and Makmal gold deposits have opposed Chinese involvement, as seen in incidents such as the burning down of a mining company's office in the Toguz-Toruu district. Local investors in Kyrgyzstan were also interested in developing the Tegene and Sulukta coal fields, but these opportunities were granted to Chinese companies by Kyrgyz authorities.

There are concerns that Kyrgyzstan may incur further indebtedness to China through these deals, although specific financial terms remain undisclosed. Simultaneously, a decline in Mongolian coal supplies to China signals China's active pursuit of alternative, reliable sources. Kyrgyzstan's coal mining operations could serve as an alternative, but questions arise about whether the rights of Kyrgyz consumers will be upheld or if the interests of Chinese companies will take precedence.

As China seeks to secure its share in Kyrgyzstan's coal mining sector, this article highlights the agreements' intricacies, local concerns, and the broader geopolitical context. Balancing the interests of both nations and safeguarding the rights of Kyrgyz consumers emerge as crucial considerations in navigating this evolving collaboration.

Kyrgyzstan's reliance on coal prompts collaborations between Kyrgyzkomur and Chinese companies to develop major coal fields and establish logistics centers near the Kyrgyz-Chinese border. Despite potential benefits, concerns arise over the distribution of extracted coal, with 70% going to Chinese investors and 30% to Kyrgyzstan. Local sentiments and past disruptions add complexity to the situation. Additionally, the article raises concerns about Kyrgyzstan's potential indebtedness to China. The decline in Mongolian coal supplies to China underscores China's pursuit of alternative sources, with Kyrgyzstan offering a potential solution. The article emphasizes the need to balance both nations' interests and protect the rights of Kyrgyz consumers in this evolving collaboration. 

China's Inroads into Kyrgyzstan's Coal Mining: Agreements & Concerns

Summary

In the midst of global economic transformations, Kyrgyzstan, traditionally recognized as a country sending migrants abroad, is undergoing a notable shift. The nation faces a critical challenge in its sewing industry—a surge in demand for Kyrgyz products has led to a shortage of skilled workers. In response, the Kyrgyz government is turning to a solution that contrasts with its historical role: attracting foreign labor. This article explores the unfolding scenario, examining the government's plans, initiatives, and the dynamics surrounding the move to address the pressing workforce shortage in the country's light industry.

Government Initiatives

There are not enough workers in the sewing industry in Kyrgyzstan. The government wants to solve the personnel problem at the expense of foreign labor. This was announced by Kyrgyz Deputy Minister of Economy Ainura Usenbekova within the framework of the CIS Industry Council held in Bishkek, in September of 2023.


Usenbekova spoke about the plans and activities, the implementation of which is aimed at the development of the domestic light industry. She noted the increased demand for Kyrgyz sewing products due to global transformations. However, this situation leads to personnel problems, there are not enough junior and middle-level workers in the industry.
It is added that in order to solve this problem, at the request of producers, the Ministry of Labor is preparing a document on increasing the quota for attracting and using foreign labor from Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.


The Ministry of Labor of Kyrgyzstan plans to approve 25,000 quotas for the attraction and utilization of foreign labor in 2024, Economist.kg reports, citing the head of the ministry's migration department, Jypara Mambetova.
Increased demand for Kyrgyz sewing products has led to workforce shortages, Mambetova stated. In response to this, the Ministry of Labor is preparing a document to increase the quota for the attraction and utilization of foreign labor at the request of producers.


Mambetova emphasized that this year, 16.6 thousand quotas were considered. And next year, we plan to increase the number of quotas to 25,000. The country's population cannot fully supply the labor force for the light industry. Therefore, we are forced to attract labor from outside. Earlier, the Deputy Minister of Economy of Kyrgyzstan, Ainura Usenbekova, mentioned that workers from Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh would be recruited for the country's textile industry.


Currently, there are 60,000 vacancies in Kyrgyzstan. The construction of the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway will start in 2024, 10,000 to 30,000 new jobs will be created under the project, and workers are also needed for the construction of the Kambar-Ata Hydro Power Plant.

Global Context and Industry Dynamics

At the same time, Kyrgyz migrants are working in South Korea, Japan, Germany, and a number of other European countries. Migration is a big process in the world. Developed countries have also gone through this process. This is a natural phenomenon. It will be useful if citizens go abroad to work, gain experience, return to the country, and spread what they have learned here. This is a natural process.


According to the Kyrgyz Ministry of Labor, in deed, shortage of workers in Kyrgyzstan is problematic. There is a shortage of workers in Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyz enterprises and factories are in need of qualified workers, but people go there reluctantly, as they are oriented to the fact that after finishing school they must immediately leave the country, to migrate to other countries with more developed job markets. The head of the department noted that the ministry is trying to provide assistance to enterprises so that they do not have vacant jobs, and Kyrgyz people do not leave for work. The Ministry concluded an agreement with 99 educational institutions, 71 of which are schools. They train young people in professions that are in demand in the country's labor market.


Kudaibergen Bazarbaev added that last year it was possible to reduce the number of unemployed in the country by 5 percent. According to him, 2 thousand 900 Kyrgyz citizens concluded a social contract with the state, received 100 thousand soms each and opened a profitable financial business. The service employs about 16 thousand people. In total, about 23,000 citizens were employed by the Ministry of Labor, 15,000 were directed to paid public works, and 7,500 people received professional training for professions in demand on the labor market.


As mentioned before, a shortage of labor is especially, noticed in the so-called light industry. Rosa, a Kyrgyz entrepreneur, says that the average salary has increased to 80,000 KGS (around 900 USD) due to the lack of tailors. The average salary of tailors has increased to 80-100 000 KGS. Now there are tailors who earn up to 150 000 KGS. But most of the young people do not want to sit and work for 8-10 hours. They want to migrate after finishing school. It is better to learn sewing and work here. Now we have trained the women in the village ourselves, asked them to "sit at home and sew" and placed orders. But she is also in a lot of trouble. The quality is not what we want, and it ends up being broken. There is no way, we get a quota of 20 professionally trained sewing workers from Bangladesh. They are expecting that those professionals will arrive in Kyrgyzstan soon. The local sewing company agreed to pay a fixed salary of 400-500 USD per month and their breakfast and accommodation will be free. Local businessmen said that if our local people don’t work then they have no other option but to bring them from outside.


According to the Kyrgyz Ministry of Labor, Migration and Social Security on August 7 of this year, there were 12,465 job vacancies in Kyrgyzstan. Among them, there is a strong demand for working professionals in the construction and sewing industry.


This year, 16,600 quotas were allocated for foreign citizens to work in Kyrgyzstan. Labor quotas are often requested by locally based Kyrgyz companies cooperating with foreign markets or companies. About 330,000 foreign citizens were registered since the beginning of 2023. This is about 33,000 people more than 2022. According to the Deputy Minister of Digital Development Jazgul Kiyizbaeva, most of the foreign citizens who are registered for 60 days are migrants, students, and tourists. According to Kiyizbaeva, more than 220,000 of the 297,000 foreign citizens registered last year were citizens of Uzbekistan. Most of them came to work in construction as well as, the sewing industry.

Conclusion

It should be noted that foreign workers can also provide alternative solutions for those government-controlled industries. For instance, in the past, in 2020, the Uzbek gas company. As the Daily Star of Bangladesh newspaper informed, the Uzbek company named Enter Engineering had brought hundreds of workers from Bangladesh to Uzbekistan on a special charter flight. It was due to the fact that about a thousand local Uzbek workers who previously worked at Enter Engineering held protest actions, protesting that they were not paid on time. Though it is a bit different case, it still shows that another Central Asian country is already having labor migrants from South Asia.


Thus, Kyrgyzstan, traditionally known for sending migrants abroad, is now facing a pressing issue – a significant shortage of workers in its sewing industry will soon welcome labor migrants from Bangladesh.


In the midst of global economic transformations, Kyrgyzstan, traditionally recognized as a country sending migrants abroad, is undergoing a notable shift. The nation faces a critical challenge in its sewing industry—a surge in demand for Kyrgyz products has led to a shortage of skilled workers. In response, the Kyrgyz government is turning to a solution that contrasts with its historical role: attracting foreign labor. This article explores the unfolding scenario, examining the government's plans, initiatives, and the dynamics surrounding the move to address the pressing workforce shortage in the country's light industry.

Kyrgyzstan's Shift: From Sending Migrants Abroad to Attracting Foreign Labor 

War in Ukraine: How It's Affecting Kyrgyz Migrants in Russia? Go West, Young Man


On November 14th, the 'Mekendeshter' (Compatriots) Summit took place in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Hundreds of individuals based in foreign countries once again visited their homeland to discuss how they could contribute their expertise to support their country and how their country could assist migrants, including labor migrants. Meanwhile, nearly one-third of the Kyrgyz population is dispersed across dozens of countries, working and studying, ranging from the USA, Europe, Turkey, Russia, South Korea, to Japan.
However, how is the Russian invasion of Ukraine affecting Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia? Russia remains the primary destination for labor migrants from Central Asian countries, including Kyrgyzstan. Yet, Kyrgyz labor migrants are exploring new destinations, particularly in western countries.


According to the Ministry of Labor, Social Security, and Migration (MLSSM), the number of Kyrgyz migrants working in Russia decreased by almost 180,000, or 30 percent, in the last nine months. Additionally, the number of people registered for migration decreased by 60%.


Conversely, the number of Kyrgyz citizens studying and working in Turkey, Germany, and Kazakhstan has increased. MLSSM reported this based on official information from the Kyrgyz Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The ongoing economic consequences of Russia's invasion of Ukraine are reshaping Kyrgyz migration patterns, with many migrants now aiming for the USA, Europe, and highly developed Asian countries.


The flow of migrants returning from Russia to Kyrgyzstan increased due to the 2020 coronavirus pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Some Kyrgyz families who had worked in Russia for a decade left their jobs and returned to Kyrgyzstan. According to the Ministry of Labor, Social Security, and Migration, the migrant workforce in Russia decreased from over 587,000 at the beginning of 2023 to 408,448 during that year – nearly a 30 percent decline.


Furthermore, the Ministry indicated fluctuations in the migration register numbers, noting instances where the same person may be registered multiple times, potentially inflating the figures. The data was based on information from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.


Below are the comparative figures for the number of people residing in various countries between 2022 and 2023:


USA: 2022 - 50,000 people, 2023 - 60,000 people (an increase of 10,000)
Canada: 2022 - 6,000 people, 2023 - 6,000 people (remained the same)
United Kingdom: 2022 - 5,700 people, 2023 - 6,000 people (an increase)
Germany: 2022 - 9,050 people, 2023 - 12,500 people (an increase)
Russia: 2022 - 587,089 people, 2023 - 408,448 people (a decrease)
Turkey: 2022 - 26,011 people, 2023 - 61,500 people (significant increase)
United Arab Emirates: 2022 - 5,500 people, 2023 - 6,000 people (an increase)
South Korea: 2022 - 8,500 people, 2023 - 9,400 people (an increase)
Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kyrgyzstan

Long Road to the "American Dream"? The challenging economic situation in Kyrgyzstan and the unpredictable, unstable political climate in Russia, stemming from its war in Ukraine, are prompting thousands of Kyrgyz migrants to choose the perilous route to the USA through Mexico in pursuit of their "American Dream." They risk their lives, sometimes falling prey to criminal cartels and human traffickers while illegally crossing international borders. However, numerous Kyrgyzstani residents have fallen victim to fraudsters claiming to represent foreign companies offering visas and employment, resulting in significant financial losses. These scammers primarily operate through social media channels. While job scams have existed for some time, government officials and experts warn that fake companies and fraudsters have proliferated in recent months following the subsiding of the coronavirus pandemic. As for those Kyrgyz nationals who are already living in the USA, most Kyrgyz living in the United States are based in Chicago. But many citizens of Kyrgyzstan do not register with the Kyrgyz consulate in the United States, although registration is inexpensive. Many compatriots do not register due to misinformation. They have false information that in case of any violations on their part, the consulate will transfer the migrant’s data to the relevant authorities. The Embassy of the Kyrgyz Republic in the USA needs to carry out explanatory work and disseminate correct information on consular registration

While almost one-third of Kyrgyz citizens are dispersed globally, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has led to a significant decrease in Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia. The Ministry of Labor reports a 30% decline, prompting Kyrgyz migrants to explore new destinations, particularly in the West. Migration patterns are shifting towards the USA, Europe, and developed Asian countries.

War in Ukraine: How It's Affecting Kyrgyz Migrants in Russia?

Ramadan month: a good chance for peaceful dialogue in pre-election Türkiye?

Erdogan’s Türkiye likes to position itself as “a guardian of Islam” on an international arena. Why not to use the month of Ramadan to build a lasting peace within the country before it’s too late?


After devastating February earthquakes in the country, in a pre-election Turkish society seems like divided and fractured, mainly, into two parts: those, who call for consolidation of an entire nation and forget political ambitions in the face of consequences of those earthquake and continuous economic slowdown combined with high inflation, which has been accelerating since the last several years. In the first days of earthquake, which took place at the inception of February, Erdogan’s government, along with others, was shocked and did not know how to react correctly, accordingly, was slow to address adequately and efficiently on time. Although authorities gradually have managed the situation by appealing for developed countries and international humanitarian organizations to deploy rescue operation teams and provide necessary humanitarian aids. At the same time, Turkish official authorities appealed for all including political oppositional parties and politicians to leave their ambitions and interest behind and come together and join in addressing post-earthquake issues. However, later no real and bold step was taken by the official authorities in regard of consolidation of all political actors and have most needed dialogue within Turkish society, as well as, joint action within the country for the sake of the ordinary people, who are most affected by earthquakes and economic hardships. Instead, the authorities accused oppositional figures in speculating on earthquake and people’s tragedy caused by it and demanded them stop doing it. But oppositional parties seem enthusiastically tapped into this “opportunity” caused by the natural disaster and obviously blamed the authorities for their pure preparedness for such emergency situations and in addition, of course, not properly handling economic continuous hardships caused skyrocketing inflation rate. So now that we see all parties’ continuous accusations one another to get higher score for Presidential and Parliamentary elections scheduled for May of this year. Stakes are high, but peace is fragile and underestimated currency. Accordingly, it is high time for Erdogan’s team to seize this opportunity provided by Holly Ramadan month and act for the sake of peace in Turkey and have true dialogue with oppositional parties. Dialogue does not mean just talking together at the same table and showing smiling for public by shaking hands. A true strategic dialogue should mean to act on after talks and forgive hatred and grievances (not necessarily, to forget) political opponents, and free all those, who were imprisoned last ten years due to their political stand by providing them with amnesty. Yes, Realpolitik is Realpolitik and it anticipates zero-sum game in political confrontations, however it does not guarantee lasting peace within society even after assumed victory over political rivals therefore, it does not bring stability. Thus, today’s Türkiye is facing a new reality, which demands an extraordinary diplomatic attitude: to provide stability and conditions for fair and just elections as well as, a trustful platform for peace in post-election period of the country. This time Erdogan’s government is not in the position to dictate all the rules of the game therefore, there is an urgent need for true dialogue and actions to consider all parties and people’s interest so that Türkiye will celebrate its 100 years’ anniversary this with more consolidated and stable situation in autumn.

Erkinbek Kamalov


The author suggests that the month of Ramadan presents an opportunity for Erdogan's government in Turkey to initiate a dialogue with opposition parties and build lasting peace within the country before the upcoming May elections. The society seems divided and fractured due to the devastating February earthquakes and continuous economic hardships, which have increased inflation rates. Erdogan's government has not taken bold steps to consolidate all political actors and initiate much-needed dialogue within the country for the sake of ordinary people who are affected by earthquakes and economic hardships. The article emphasizes the need for strategic dialogue and action, including amnesty for political prisoners, to bring lasting peace and stability to Turkey. The government needs to act in the interest of all parties and people to ensure fair and just elections and provide a trustful platform for peace in the post-election period of the country.

Ramadan month: a good chance for peaceful dialogue in pre-election Türkiye?

The partial military mobilization process in Russia will harm Kyrgyz people, both, those who gained Russian citizenship as well as, Kyrgyz citizens working there, as labor migrants. It will also have overall economic challenges and risks for migrants from Kyrgyzstan such as, losing jobs and/or late payment or reduction of salaries and some remittances sent to their families and relatives back in Kyrgyzstan. Although, the partial mobilization is relevant to Russian citizens only, there is also a risk that some labor migrants including Kyrgyz will be involved in War in Ukraine by force, manipulation, pressure, or deception by local Russian law enforcement authorities or private army recruiters such as, “Wagner”. Kyrgyz Embassy must work closely with Kyrgyz diasporas and labor migrants to explain details of partial mobilization and legal consequences to participate in War in Ukraine.

On the 21st of September, Russian President Putin declared partial military mobilization to support the Russian army’s invasion of Ukraine[1]. Just the day before that, the State Duma adopted the draft law on military mobilization in 3 readings without any prior discussion. How this partial mobilization could affect Kyrgyz people residing in Russia?

According to the data of the Centre for Employment Abroad under the Kyrgyz Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Migration[2], currently, 1 million and 118 thousand Kyrgyzstani people are living and working in Russia, including 600 000 who gained Russian citizenship since the independence from the Soviet Union.[3] It should be noted the reason many received Russian citizenship was one way to avoid bureaucratic difficulties and receive better-paid job perspectives. But in 2015 when Kyrgyzstan obtained membership in Eurasian Economic Union (EEU)[4], documentation requirements for Kyrgyz labor migrants were simplified (they were exempt from taking written tests on Russian language and history and patents fees, etc.,)[5] therefore, there was no need to gain Russian citizenship, accordingly, this process slowed down. Later, when the Russian government started to provide social benefits, child support payments, better salaries, and banks mortgage with fairer interests for its citizens, Kyrgyz migrants got motivated to gain Russian citizenship, and the number of applicants again increased. In addition to it, the high rate of unemployment back in Kyrgyzstan pushed Kyrgyz people to search for the solution to their economic problems. [6] Obtaining Russian citizenship was seen as one of the solutions for many labor migrants including those from Kyrgyzstan as well.



Many Kyrgyz in Russian has two passports Kyrgyz and Russian



There are three categories of Kyrgyzstani people in Russia now: the seasonal labor migrants and the other category, those who moved to Russia and gained Russian citizenship and the third, and those who have two passports, Kyrgyz and Russian. Although there is no agreement on dual citizenship between Kyrgyzstan and Russia, dual citizenship is not prohibited (with one exception with immediate neighboring countries), but not legalized as well, which is quite a tricky and unclear situation. [7] Consequently, many who gained Russian citizenship did not want to burn a bridge back to their motherland, which means they did not want to give up part of their identity by gaining Russian citizenship (in the form of a passport), thus gaining Russian citizenship was for solely economic purpose. But now these people who have two passports, Kyrgyz and Russian citizenship are facing a real risk due to partial mobilization. On the one hand, if they refuse to join the partial mobilization in Russia they will face punishment such as criminal liability (Article 328 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). Evasion of conscription for military service is punishable by a fine of up to 200,000 rubles or in the amount of the income of the convicted person for a period of up to one and a half years[8]. On the other hand, in case, they join mobilization and war in Ukraine they face punishment in Kyrgyzstan under Article 256 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, “The participation of citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic in hostilities on the territory of foreign states is punishable by imprisonment for up to ten years with confiscation of his/her property”.[9]

Kyrgyz labor migrants’ position is vulnerable and they are at risk in Russia
President Putin has stated in his speech that partial mobilization will only cover Russian citizens, who are in the reserve and at conscripted age. Defence Minister S. Shoigu mentioned an exact number of people to be mobilized, 300 000 men. [10] But Russian human rights lawyer Ekaterina Shulman shared her concerns over the definition and application of the term partial mobilization in reality, because, in the speech of Putin it was mentioned that only people in the reserve will be involved in partial mobilization but in the issued decree it was not mentioned, which provides authority for Russian military recruitment office to mobilize as many people as they need. [11] Another human rights defender Valentina Chupik who works closely with Central Asian migrants openly called all labor migrants and former migrants from Central Asia to run away from Russia as soon as possible, noting that in this so-called partial mobilization campaign Central Asian migrants can be easily targeted by Russian authorities[12] There were cases when Kyrgyz people have involved the Ukraine war on both Ukraine and Russian armies[13]. It should be noted that Kyrgyz labor migrants often face various forms of racial discrimination in Russia due to a lack of legal literacy, weak rule of law, and a higher level of systemic corruption within law enforcement bodies. Thus, Russian government authorities might abuse their power via manipulation, deception, psychological/physical threat, persuasion, reward and force some labor migrants to join military mobilization, as punitive measures for migrants’ minor violations, e.g. traffic accidents, etc. Thus, there is no guarantee that labor migrants will be left untouched by the partial mobilization, especially, in the light of recent videos on social media, where Russian private army officers were desperate by trying to recruit new fighters even among prisoners promising them freedom and care in return for their loyal service. At the same time, on social media (telegram channel), concerning Putin’s mobilization speech, there was the counter- video from Sayed Ismagilov[14], a Ukrainian Muslim religious clerk and soldier, who warned Muslims of entire Russia not to come to Ukraine to fight for Russian dictator instead, do their best to escape from the mobilization entirely, in case they cannot and were forced to come to the war in Ukraine then they need to simply surrender on the battlefield.

It is becoming quite challenging to depart from Russia

In the meantime, an anonymous Kyrgyz migrant based in Moscow informed that all of his friends and colleagues of conscripted age and are residing in various parts of the Russian Federation have received a written notice from the state military recruitment office to come for mobilization. Consequently, many Kyrgyz young people have been trying to escape this so-called partial mobilization campaign. But the cost of a ‘one-way’ ticket has rapidly gone up three-four times[15] and has been continuously going up every day by becoming significantly expensive for ordinary people to purchase. Furthermore, the tickets for certain dates even sold out. Yesterday, there was a rumor that Russian air companies (e.g. Aeroflot) require special written permission from a local military district office to allow him to purchase tickets. However, Aeroflot rejected such claims stating it, as fake information.



This situation with Putin’s military partial mobilization reminds for Kyrgyz people of the tragic events of 1916 when Tsarist Russia attempted to mobilize Central Asia including Kyrgyz for WWI in Europe[16]. Then Tsarist army failed to mobilize indigenous people since at the time Kyrgyz had refused to join the Tsarist’s mobilization for which, Kyrgyz people were brutally suppressed which provoked Urkun (Exodus) of Kyrgyz tribes to the west part of China. In the meantime, the Kyrgyz Embassy in Moscow made a special statement in which under Article 256, once again, warned Kyrgyz labor migrants about legal consequences in the case Kyrgyz migrants receive an order calling to participate in any military activities, the Embassy requests that Kyrgyz citizens immediately contact the diplomatic mission of the Kyrgyz Republic in the Russian Federation. Declaring partial mobilization indicates that the Kremlin needs more human resources to fight its war in Ukraine. Thus, Kyrgyz migrants must be extremely careful before signing any document. Recent amendments to the law to simplify granting Russian citizenship are also additional proof that the Russian military leadership, indeed, requires more people to fight its war. In the light of such necessity for more human resources for military purposes, there is a higher risk that labor migrants from Central Asia including Kyrgyz will be targeted by relevant Russian authorities to make them join the military mobilization to meet the increasing demand for soldiers to fight in the Ukraine war. Although the talk now is about partial mobilization only most likely Russian military will need more soldiers which will make military authorities go beyond 300 000 people.





- Kyrgyz Embassy and consulates in the regions of Russia must monitor the situation with partial military mobilization and organize ‘hotlines’ for migrants to tackle possible challenges caused by it Kyrgyz migrants' position.

- Kyrgyz Embassy in Moscow and consulates in regions of Russia (in consultation with Kyrgyz MFA) must intensify the organizing of offline and online meetings with Kyrgyz diasporas and associations’ members and explain them and distribute written brochures of legal and other consequences of involvement in wars in foreign countries for Kyrgyz citizens based in Russia.

- Kyrgyz people who have two Kyrgyz and Russian passports should consult their cases with Russian human rights lawyers as well as, Kyrgyz lawyers.

- Kyrgyz migrants who have Russian citizenship should leave the territory of the Russian Federation for a while to avoid be mobilization process

- Kyrgyz labor migrants should be careful in signing any paper given by official authorities to prevent immediate mobilization.

- Kyrgyz migrants should learn about their rights and obligations in front of companies and official authorities.






[1] Kremlin Official website, 'Putin’s speech on partial mobilization' (Kremlin website, 21 September, 2022) in Russian <www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/69390> accessed 25.09.2022


[2] Radio Azattyk (RFE/RL Kyrgyz service) ‘The number of Kyrgyzstanis who left to work abroad exceeded 1.1 million’ in Russian (Azattyk.org, 22 Feb, 2022) < www.rus.azattyk.org/a/31694786.html > accessed 25.09.2022

Impact of partial military mobilization process in Russia on Kyrgyz people

Workshops