
The joint declaration of the SCO Summit in Astana marked a significant milestone in counter-terrorism cooperation, with strong language on terrorism, cross-border extremism, and references to territorial integrity. This article delves into the growing partnership between India and Central Asian countries, highlighting shared concerns and coordinated responses to the threat of terrorism.

Terrorism remains a critical concern for both India and Central Asia. The arrest of six sympathizers of the banned extremist group Hizbut Tahrir in Chennai raised alarms within the Indian security establishment. Fears of the group's ideology spreading in India prompted swift action by local authorities, including arrests and the seizure of extremist literature.

Central Asia, particularly nations like Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan, is confronting growing extremist networks. Kazakhstan recently detained radicals in key regions, while Kyrgyzstan escalated its efforts against Hizbut Tahrir, arresting several members and confiscating weapons and propaganda materials. The increasing presence of ISIS in the region, particularly after a Moscow attack in March, adds to the complexity, with the United Nations designating ISIS as a major threat in Central Asia.

India is particularly attentive to the spread of extremism in Central Asia due to the potential spillover effects on its own security. The Astana Declaration highlighted India’s collaboration with Central Asian countries, focusing on cross-border terrorism and radicalism. Moving forward, India is expected to deepen its counter-terrorism engagements with its Central Asian counterparts.

The SCO Summit’s Astana Declaration outlined a strong commitment to combat terrorism, separatism, and extremism. It condemned any terrorist actions against citizens, diplomatic missions, and consular offices of SCO member states, emphasizing the inviolability of these institutions under international law. The Declaration also called for a unified international approach to combating terrorism, rejecting double standards and supporting the adoption of the Comprehensive Convention for the Suppression of International Terrorism.

One of the central themes of the Declaration was the need to counter the use of cyberspace by terrorists to spread extremist ideologies, particularly among the youth. The SCO member states affirmed their dedication to preventing the use of information and communication technologies for terrorist purposes and cyber propaganda.

India has been closely monitoring the rise of the ISIS-Khorasan Province (ISKP), an offshoot of ISIS, in Afghanistan and neighboring regions. This group poses a significant security challenge not only to Central Asia but also to India. Indian security experts are focusing on areas like north-eastern Iran and parts of Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, where ISKP activities could undermine regional stability.

The collaboration between India and Central Asia in counter-terrorism efforts is growing in importance as both regions face rising threats from extremist groups. Through joint actions, such as those outlined in the SCO Summit's Astana Declaration, India and Central Asian states are strengthening their defenses against terrorism and extremism, setting a robust framework for future cooperation. As the region continues to confront new threats, including the rise of ISKP, this partnership is likely to expand further in the coming years.

This article highlights the growing counter-terrorism collaboration between India and Central Asian countries, driven by shared concerns over the rise of extremist groups like Hizbut Tahrir and ISIS. It discusses recent arrests in both regions, the outcomes of the SCO Summit's Astana Declaration, and India's efforts to strengthen security partnerships to combat terrorism and extremism, particularly in response to the expanding influence of ISIS-Khorasan Province.

Joint Efforts of India and Central Asia on Counter-Terrorism

Israel's Covert War with Hezbollah Escalates Amid Pager Explosions

In a significant escalation of its covert war against Hezbollah, Israel is widely believed to have orchestrated a series of devastating explosions targeting the communications devices of the Shia militia across Lebanon and Syria. The blasts, which occurred on September 17 and 18, killed at least 32 people and injured thousands, leaving a trail of destruction in its wake. The attack marks a new phase in the ongoing conflict, as both Israel and Hezbollah grapple with the aftermath of the unprecedented assault.

The devices—pagers and two-way radios—were widely used by Hezbollah operatives after the militia abandoned mobile phones, which they feared were vulnerable to Israeli surveillance. In a carefully coordinated strike, thousands of these devices exploded almost simultaneously in homes, offices, and even at a funeral. The attacks were carried out over two consecutive days, causing widespread casualties and leaving many operatives blinded or missing limbs.

While Israel has not claimed responsibility, the intricate nature of the operation suggests the involvement of its intelligence services. The devices reportedly bore the trademark of Taiwanese company Gold Apollo, though the firm has denied involvement, pointing to a Hungarian company, bac Consulting, as the manufacturer. Regardless of their origin, the devices were likely sabotaged by Israeli agents before reaching Hezbollah operatives.

The explosions have dealt a crippling blow to Hezbollah's communications infrastructure and command structure. The group's leader, Hassan Nasrallah, had warned his fighters about the risks of using mobile phones, prompting the switch to seemingly secure pagers. This false sense of security was shattered by the attacks, which represent the most significant breach of Hezbollah’s operations in recent history.

The timing of the strikes has raised questions about Israel’s broader strategy. While the attacks inflicted serious damage on Hezbollah, they were not followed by a major military offensive. Some Israeli military officials have called for a ground incursion into Lebanon to further weaken Hezbollah and create a buffer zone. However, with Israel already engaged in ongoing operations in Gaza, the government appears hesitant to open a second front.

Defense Minister Yoav Gallant acknowledged the shift in focus to Lebanon, calling the strikes a “new phase” in the conflict. Despite this, Israeli officials remain divided on the next steps. Some advocate for exploiting the temporary paralysis of Hezbollah’s command structure, while others urge caution, preferring to avoid a full-scale war at this stage.

For Hezbollah, the explosions have been a humiliating and destabilizing setback. The militia, which has long prided itself on its resilience, now faces the daunting task of repairing its communications network and identifying the security breaches that allowed Israel to infiltrate its supply chain. Experts warn that this could take months, during which time Hezbollah’s ability to launch major attacks will be severely constrained.

Nevertheless, the group’s leadership has vowed to continue its resistance against Israel. In a speech on September 19, Nasrallah promised that Hezbollah would not back down until Israel ceased its military operations in Gaza. However, his subdued tone and visible fatigue suggested a leader reeling from the recent attacks, rather than preparing to escalate the conflict further.

As both sides reassess their next moves, the situation in Lebanon remains tense. Israeli airstrikes in southern Lebanon continued as Nasrallah spoke, and the presence of American military assets in the region has added to the uncertainty. For now, Israel seems content to maintain its strategy of attrition, weakening Hezbollah through covert operations and psychological warfare rather than direct confrontation.

The impact of the pager explosions extends beyond Hezbollah. The attack has exposed vulnerabilities in the broader network of Iranian-backed militias that rely on imported electronics. Across the region, from Iraq to Yemen, militia groups are likely reassessing their communications systems, wary of similar Israeli operations.

For the people of Lebanon, the explosions have brought fresh misery to a country already grappling with political and economic crises. Comparisons have been drawn to the 2020 Beirut port explosion, with civilians once again caught in the crossfire of a conflict they cannot control. As the war of attrition between Israel and Hezbollah grinds on, the fear of further escalations looms large.


Israel is believed to have launched a covert operation targeting Hezbollah’s communications devices, resulting in a series of explosions in Lebanon and Syria on September 17-18. These attacks killed at least 32 people and injured thousands, dealing a major blow to Hezbollah’s infrastructure. The devices—pagers and radios—used by Hezbollah to avoid Israeli surveillance were secretly sabotaged, causing them to detonate almost simultaneously.

Israel's Covert War with Hizbullah Escalates Amid Pager Explosions


The debate over the Zangezur Corridor continues to ignite geopolitical tensions in the South Caucasus, drawing in major regional players like Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Türkiye. As Russia insists on opening the corridor, as stipulated by a ceasefire agreement following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Iran has raised strong objections, marking a potential shift in its traditional alliances and strategies in the region.

Moscow's Stance: A Corridor as a Priority


The Zangezur Corridor, a proposed transport route connecting mainland Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan through Armenian territory, has become a focal point for Russia. During a recent visit to Baku, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov accused Armenia of sabotaging the trilateral agreement aimed at reopening transport communications.

Following Lavrov’s remarks, Maria Zakharova, the Russian Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson, stated that “the corridor remains a priority for Moscow,” triggering strong protests from Tehran. Russia insists that the corridor be opened and that its security should be controlled by the Russian Federal Security Service. However, this stance has led to significant backlash from Iran.

Tehran's Red Line: Firm Opposition to the Corridor
Iran has unequivocally declared the Zangezur Corridor a "red line." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stressed that any changes to the borders of neighboring states, including the opening of the corridor, are “completely unacceptable” to Iran. This sentiment has been echoed by other Iranian officials, including Ibrahim Azizi, chairman of the Iranian Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, and Iran's ambassador to Armenia, Mehdi Sobhani, who emphasized the importance of maintaining the territorial integrity of neighboring states.

Iranian parliamentarians and media outlets have voiced concerns that the Zangezur Corridor could reduce Iran's strategic role in regional cargo transit, shifting the balance of power in favor of Turkey and Azerbaijan. For Tehran, this potential shift is unacceptable, prompting some officials to describe Russia's support for the corridor as a “stab in the back.”




The recent discord over the Zangezur Corridor hints at a potential shift in Iran's regional policy. Historically, Tehran has maintained a cautious alignment with Russia in the South Caucasus, driven by strategic necessity and a shared interest in countering Western influence. However, recent developments suggest that Iran might be reconsidering its stance.

Iran’s strong opposition to the corridor has been directed primarily at Moscow, not Yerevan. This suggests that Tehran is unhappy with what it perceives as a shift in Russia's policy in favor of Azerbaijan. Iranian officials have also pointed out that, despite its opposition, Russia continues to support Azerbaijan's position on the corridor. These developments raise questions about whether Tehran is trying to balance its relations between the West and Russia or seeking a more independent foreign policy.





The Zangezur Corridor is not just a transportation project; it has broader geopolitical implications. For Azerbaijan, the corridor represents a critical link to Nakhchivan and an opportunity to enhance its role as a regional logistics and trade hub. Turkey also supports the project, viewing it as a strategic route that would benefit all parties involved, including Armenia and Iran.

Meanwhile, Iranian officials have warned against any geopolitical changes in the region, emphasizing that maintaining internationally recognized borders is crucial. Tehran fears that the opening of the Zangezur Corridor under Russian control could diminish its direct land access to Armenia and weaken its influence in the South Caucasus.

A Complicated Web of Alliances

The issue of the Zangezur Corridor has brought to light a complex web of alliances and rivalries in the South Caucasus. For nearly four years, Iran maintained a firm stance on the corridor, but it now finds itself at odds with Moscow, its historical ally. At the same time, Tehran seems to be inching closer to the West, partly due to the pressures resulting from its involvement in the war in Ukraine and the need to navigate sanctions.

Iran’s recent criticisms of Russia's stance on the corridor may indicate a desire to adopt a more independent regional policy, potentially aligning more closely with Western interests. This shift could open new opportunities for Tehran, allowing it to leverage its geopolitical position amid growing isolation and sanctions.



Conclusion: Navigating a New Geopolitical Landscape



The Zangezur Corridor issue reflects the changing dynamics of the South Caucasus and the broader geopolitical landscape. As regional powers navigate these changes, the outcome of the discussions surrounding the corridor will likely have significant implications for the future of the region. While Iran continues to oppose the corridor, it remains to be seen whether this stance will evolve as Tehran seeks to balance its relations with both Russia and the West.


The proposed Zangezur Corridor, a transport route connecting mainland Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave through Armenian territory, has emerged as a major geopolitical issue in the South Caucasus, drawing intense reactions from key regional players, particularly Russia and Iran.  Russia, citing a 2020 ceasefire agreement, supports the corridor's opening and wants its security to be managed by the Russian Federal Security Service. However, Iran views the corridor as a "red line," fearing it will reduce its strategic influence in regional cargo transit and shift the balance of power toward Turkey and Azerbaijan. Iranian officials have expressed concerns over Russia's stance, perceiving it as a betrayal of their longstanding alliance.  Iran’s opposition has prompted questions about a possible shift in its regional policy, potentially moving closer to the West while distancing itself from Moscow. Despite this tension, the corridor presents opportunities for cooperation, potentially enhancing regional connectivity and trade. The future of the Zangezur Corridor remains uncertain, with its outcome poised to significantly impact the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus.

Zangezur Corridor: A Geopolitical Flashpoint in the South Caucasus


Lawrence O. Gostin, a prominent figure in global health law at Georgetown University Law Center, who is recognized for his role as Director of the World Health Organization Collaborating Center on Public Health Law and Human Rights, described Michael Bloomberg's activism in the health field as "a meddling nanny-an elitist dictating to largely poor and working-class people about how they ought to lead their lives".





Michael Bloomberg exerts considerable influence within the World Health Organization (WHO) despite lacking an official role on its management board. Serving as WHO's Global Ambassador for Noncommunicable Diseases and Injuries and a substantial financial contributor, Bloomberg enhances his impact within the organization. His status as a prominent media figure and one of the world's wealthiest individuals further amplifies his influence, enabling him to shape decision-making processes within WHO.

Strategically leveraging his affiliation with WHO, Bloomberg not only seeks to enhance his personal and organizational reputation but also actively engages in challenging competitors and solidifying his legacy. His involvement in global health initiatives complements his business interests, particularly through the Bloomberg Terminal, a critical data aggregation platform in global financial markets that underpins his wealth accumulation.

Bloomberg's ties with WHO afford him access to crucial health data, particularly from low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), where governance gaps provide avenues for influencing political leadership through partnerships with NGOs, lobby groups, and businesses. This strategic approach not only aligns with his financial interests but also extends his global impact, shaping public health policies and practices in diverse international contexts.




What's World Health Organization (WHO) and how it operates?



The World Health Organization (WHO), established in 1948 as a specialized agency of the United Nations, plays a pivotal role in coordinating global health initiatives and responding to international health crises, exemplified most recently by its efforts during the COVID-19 pandemic. Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, WHO operates through 6 regional offices that oversee a spectrum of activities ranging from universal health coverage and emergency response to sustainable health system development.
WHO's financial framework relies primarily on membership dues calculated based on countries' gross domestic product (GDP), supplemented by voluntary contributions from member states, United Nations agencies, philanthropic foundations, and the private sector. While membership dues constitute a minority share, contributing less than 20% of WHO's total budget, voluntary contributions constitute the majority and are often earmarked for specific programs or initiatives. This funding structure, while essential for supporting WHO's diverse activities, also poses challenges by limiting the organization's budgetary flexibility and its autonomy in setting global health priorities.


The financial constraints faced by WHO are further exacerbated by the earmarking of funds, which can restrict the organization's ability to respond promptly and effectively to emerging health crises. Major contributors to WHO's budget include traditional donors such as the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the European Commission, alongside significant philanthropic entities like the Bloomberg Philantropies, which contribute approximately 3.5% of WHO's total budget. Historically, WHO has navigated periods of financial instability, including frozen contributions from member states during the 1980s and 1990s, which compelled the organization to increasingly rely on voluntary funding. Today, voluntary contributions comprise about 80% of WHO's budget, reflecting a funding structure that necessitates more flexible and reliable financial support mechanisms to bolster the organization's capacity to respond to global health challenges effectively. However, this reliance on voluntary funding also opens avenues for influential contributors like Michael Bloomberg to exert considerable influence over WHO's decision-making processes and strategic direction, raising concerns about transparency, accountability, and the autonomy of international health governance.





Michael R. Bloomberg assumed the role of WHO Global Ambassador for Noncommunicable Diseases (NCDs) and Injuries in 2016, securing his third term during the 77th United Nations General Assembly in September 2022. His tenure has been marked by efforts to address major health challenges like heart disease and diabetes, primarily through partnerships with city leaders globally. Leading initiatives that emphasize prevention strategies, Bloomberg's team provides strategic leadership, develops evidence-based tools, and advocates for increased investments in public health, particularly in economically disadvantaged regions.

Bloomberg's influence stems from his substantial philanthropic contributions totaling $2.5 billion, with nearly $200 million directed towards WHO initiatives over the past decade. His endeavors include the Partnership for Healthy Cities and the NCD Investment Case, which aim to demonstrate the economic benefits of health interventions and advocate for policy changes. Despite these efforts, critics argue that Bloomberg's approach may prioritize technocratic solutions over addressing broader systemic issues in global health governance, potentially reinforcing existing power dynamics in international health policy.

Michael Bloomberg's influence extends beyond financial contributions to the World Health Organization (WHO), playing a pivotal role in attracting additional donors. According to the WHO's Mikkelsen, Bloomberg Philanthropies' support facilitated the creation of the organization's initial investment cases for Noncommunicable Diseases (NCDs), inspiring other donors to follow suit. Notably, Norway became the first government in 2019 to allocate specific funding within its foreign aid for preventing noninfectious diseases, influenced by Bloomberg's initiatives.




Bloomberg Philatropies affiliated, Vital Strategies collaborates globally with governments to tackle critical public health challenges, spanning areas like air pollution, alcohol policy, childhood lead poisoning prevention, civil registration, and vital statistics. At the core of their efforts is the Data for Health Initiative, which aims to enhance data access and utilization in low- and middle-income countries. This initiative strengthens civil registration systems, establishes cancer registries, and provides global grants for data collection and analysis, enabling effective policymaking and resource allocation. The focus on these countries arises from institutional deficiencies that have hindered comprehensive data collection. The data that has been collected is subsequently presented in the Bloomberg Terminal, utilized by bussinesses and Michael Bloomberg for investment decisions. Moreover, this data enables Bloomberg to leverage NGOs, civil society organizations, and lobby groups to exert pressure on governments, thereby creating opportunities to influence the decision-making processes of these governmental bodies. This initiative aims to strengthen civil registration systems, establish cancer registries, and provide global grants for data collection and analysis, thereby facilitating effective policymaking and resource allocation.

Part of Bloomberg Philanthropies' Data for Health Initiative, Vital Strategies' Data Impact program collaborates with leading institutions and operates across 22 countries with over 90 projects. It trains personnel, produces policy briefs, and influences policy changes, emphasizing the strategic use of health data to align government priorities with public health needs.



Examples of the intervention of Bloomberg in WHO:



Michael Bloomberg's involvement with the World Health Organization (WHO) has enabled him to advance his narrative and leverage his influence to ensure decisions and actions that align with his interests. These are some examples of the controversial decisions:



a)	Bloomberg and Pharmeutical Companies :



Olga Chetverikova, a Russian historian and religious scholar, criticize the World Health Organization (WHO) for allegedly serving the interests of major pharmaceutical corporations rather than global health. In 2009, Mayor Michael Bloomberg defended pharmaceutical companies and their CEOs, declaring that they "don't make a lot of money" and shouldn't be scapegoats in the health care debate. The billionaire mayor made these comments on his radio show on Friday. However, the compensation packages for some pharmaceutical executives in 2008 told a different story. Abbott Laboratories Inc. Chairman and Chief Executive Miles White had received $25.3 million, while Schering-Plough Corp. Chief Executive Fred Hassan had received $16.2 million. In 2020 during his Presidential Election campaign Bloomberg's spokesperson was Stu Loeser, before joining Bloomberg's campaign, he had been retained by Purdue Pharma, the makers of OxyContin, to help combat widespread criticism that the company had fueled the opioid addiction crisis. There are rumors that by being heavily involved in the WHO, Michael Bloomberg also lobbies for the interests of pharmaceutical companies. In exchange, these companies allegedly purchase products offered by Bloomberg.


Chetverikova claims the WHO's initiatives and events obscure its true motivations. According to Chetverikova, the WHO's ties to pharmaceutical interests have led post-Soviet states, including Russia, to rely on treatments endorsed by the organization, funded significantly by corporations like Roche, Pfizer, and Johnson & Johnson. Chetverikova critiques the WHO's shift towards prevention over treatment, attributing this to pressure from pharmaceutical stakeholders who benefit from promoting vaccines over lifestyle and environmental factors. She also criticized the WHO's reluctance to recognize the Russian Sputnik V vaccine during the COVID-19 pandemic, alleging bias favoring vaccines from financially influential countries and corporations. Additionally, she condemned the WHO's support for methadone substitution therapy, claiming it benefits companies like Eli Lilly and Company, undermining Russian authorities' drug policy efforts. In summary, Chetverikova's critique portrays the WHO as compromised by corporate interests, influencing global health policies in ways that prioritize profit over public health outcomes, particularly in Russia and other post-Soviet states. Her perspective raised concerns about the WHO's transparency and independence in its mission to safeguard global health.





The World Health Organization (WHO) blocked the approval of the Canadian COVID-19 vaccine Covifenz, developed by Medicago, citing a policy against engaging with tobacco-related entities, as Philip Morris was a minority shareholder in Medicago. Despite receiving approval from Health Canada and demonstrating 71% efficacy against COVID-19, WHO's decision prevented global adoption of the vaccine. This led to Medicago shutting down, causing job losses and drawing criticism from public health advocates who argued WHO's approach was excessively rigid and detrimental. The fallout impacted global vaccine equity efforts and Canada's future vaccine production capabilities.

Following WHO's rejection, Bloomberg Philanthropies funded tobacco watchdog's policy paper alleged Philip Morris attempted to leverage the decision to enhance its public image. The paper recommended governments define "tobacco industry" clearly to include all entities related to tobacco production and funding, including subsidiaries and affiliates of tobacco companies and pharmaceutical firms financed by them.





The Foundation for a Smoke-Free World is an organization focused on smoking harm reduction founded in 2017. In May 2024, it changed its name to Global Action to End Smoking. This organization is funded by the Philip Morris International (PMI). PMI has adopted a smoke-free approach focused on transitioning from traditional combustible cigarettes to reduced-risk products (RRPs). Their strategy includes the development of smoke-free products, such as heated tobacco products (e.g., IQOS) and nicotine-containing vapor products, which are designed to deliver nicotine with fewer harmful chemicals compared to traditional cigarettes. PMI also engages with governments and public health organizations to establish regulatory frameworks that support the adoption of smoke-free products, advocating for science-based regulations that recognize the harm reduction potential of these products. Overall, PMI's smoke-free approach aims to reduce the health impact of smoking by encouraging smokers to switch to less harmful alternatives.

The World Health Organization (WHO) has cautioned Member States and the public health community regarding the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World, which has rebranded as Global Action to End Smoking funded by Philip Morris International, this organization continues to promote strategies that WHO considers misleading about the risks of tobacco and nicotine. Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health issued a similar statement. WHO specifically highlights concerns about initiatives aimed at youth and children. WHO advises governments and public health entities to prioritize independent efforts in combating tobacco and nicotine use, urging caution against partnering with such funded organizations.

Michael Bloomberg views Philip Morris International as a significant competitor, particularly in the realm of public health policies and tobacco control. Through his influential position and financial support within organizations like the World Health Organization (WHO), Bloomberg has actively campaigned against tobacco companies, including Philip Morris. His initiatives often focus on promoting anti-smoking measures, advocating for stricter regulations, and funding research that highlights the health risks associated with tobacco use. By leveraging WHO platforms and supporting global health initiatives, Bloomberg aims to diminish the reputation and influence of companies like Philip Morris, aligning his efforts with broader public health goals and his personal stance against tobacco consumption.






Through organizations such as Vital Strategies and Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, Bloomberg funds anti-vaping studies, public health organizations, and international NGOs. For instance, he provided over $2.7 million to the Truth Initiative through a strategic alliance grant. Critics argue that Bloomberg's funding influenced the CDC (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention) to produce negative guidance on vapor and reduced-risk products, contributing to widespread public misinformation campaigns.

Criticism of Bloomberg's impact on the WHO focuses on tweets from January that falsely claimed e-cigarette liquid is highly flammable and that second-hand vapor is lethal to bystanders. In August, a WHO report funded by Bloomberg criticized e-cigarettes, accusing the industry of deceptive marketing practices. Bloomberg's influence is also criticized for perpetuating the misconception of vaping as a gateway to smoking and for misinforming the public that vapes are as harmful as cigarettes. Despite calls from tobacco and public health experts to engage with harm reduction evidence, Bloomberg reportedly declined meetings, raising ethical questions about influential individuals imposing personal beliefs on global health policies and potentially undermining public health outcomes.


Bloomberg Philanthropies has poured $160 million in 2019 into a campaign to ban flavors and restrict e-cig advertising, a move backed by 76 public health, medical, education and parenting organizations. While that effort is aimed at the U.S., the approach is going global. The WHO recommended banning flavors in a 2021 report.




Why WHO and Health Important for Bloomberg:




Bloomberg LP, founded by Michael Bloomberg in 1981, is a global leader in financial information, with its flagship Bloomberg Terminal serving over 350,000 finance professionals worldwide. In addition to the terminal, Bloomberg has expanded its services to include Bloomberg Law, Bloomberg Government, and Bloomberg Beta, thereby broadening its market reach and service offerings. Bloomberg's success is based on delivering accurate and timely data that is essential for investment decisions and market analysis.

The Data for Health Initiative, under Bloomberg Philanthropies, extends these data-driven solutions to public health by improving data collection on births and causes of death, thus enhancing global policymaking. The philanthropic work carried out by Bloomberg-affiliated organizations enables the collection and analysis of data that is subsequently added to the Bloomberg Terminal. This process allows businesses to access critical information that is not available elsewhere, particularly data from low- and middle-income countries. This unique capability to gather and utilize exclusive data strengthens Bloomberg's market position by providing invaluable insights for investment and strategic decision-making.



What Bloomberg aims to achieve through philantropy?




Michael Bloomberg's philanthropic activities serve multiple strategic objectives beyond their charitable facade. Firstly, they bolster his influence within key political and institutional circles, enhancing his ability to shape public policy and opinion. By directing substantial funds towards causes like gun control and public health, Bloomberg not only advances his personal agendas but also cultivates a positive public image aligned with progressive values.

Secondly, Bloomberg's philanthropy acts as a form of soft power, enabling him to build alliances and garner support among influential stakeholders. His generous contributions to advocacy organizations, think tanks, and local parties create dependencies and alliances that can sway decision-making in his favor. This network-building approach extends beyond mere financial support, positioning Bloomberg as a crucial player in shaping the agendas of these entities.

Moreover, Bloomberg's charitable endeavors serve as a means to mitigate criticism and opposition. By funding community organizations and initiatives, he can preemptively pacify dissent and minimize resistance to his policies and projects. This tactic, observed during his tenure as New York City mayor, where he used philanthropy to neutralize opposition, underscores his strategic use of financial resources to maintain control and influence.

Critics argue that Bloomberg's philanthropy, while ostensibly beneficial, raises ethical concerns about its impact on democratic processes. By leveraging his wealth to fund campaigns and initiatives, Bloomberg blurs the line between genuine altruism and self-serving political maneuvering. This practice, they contend, undermines the democratic principle of equal representation and accountability, favoring those with financial means over grassroots movements and diverse voices.

In essence, Bloomberg's philanthropic activities are a calculated extension of his political ambitions, aiming to consolidate power, shape public perception, and secure strategic advantages in both electoral politics and policy-making arenas. These efforts highlight the complex interplay between wealth, influence, and democratic governance in contemporary political landscapes.


However, Michael Bloomberg's 2020 presidential bid underscored significant challenges in public perception, revealing his unpopularity among American voters as indicated by various polls. In response, Bloomberg has been leveraging his considerable wealth through philanthropic efforts in hopes of reshaping public opinion and garnering more favorable views. By investing in initiatives that address pressing societal issues like public health, education, and environmental sustainability, Bloomberg aims to pivot public perception towards viewing him as a proactive and socially responsible leader. These efforts are part of a broader strategy to rebuild trust and goodwill among the public, demonstrating his commitment to making a positive impact beyond the political arena.






Michael Bloomberg, through his investment portfolio managed by Willett Advisors LLC, spans diverse sectors including consumer banking, insurance, energy, and retail. Notable investments include a stake in Metro Bank, a London-based consumer bank, and holdings in FGL Holdings, a Cayman Islands-based life insurance company. His involvement in the oil and gas sector, including investments in firms like White Star Petroleum, has sparked environmental and ethical concerns due to controversial practices like fracking.In addition to traditional sectors, Bloomberg's portfolio encompasses technology, media, real estate, healthcare, and utilities. Bloomberg's access to healthcare data in the U.S. is one of the reasons he is an investor in Oscar Health, an American health insurance company. His ability to leverage detailed health data informs his investment decisions and supports the strategic direction of his investments, further integrating his influence within the healthcare sector.




Case Study Kazakhstan: Assessing Bloomberg's Efforts in Tobacco Control




The effectiveness of Bloomberg's campaign can be evaluated through the various projects and initiatives executed by him and the NGOs he funds globally. Given the availability of data and the robust networks he has established within decision-making bodies, Kazakhstan was selected as a case study to assess the impact of his projects.

Despite significant investments from Bloomberg-funded NGOs in tobacco control initiatives, smoking statistics in Kazakhstan highlight a concerning trend that questions the effectiveness of these efforts. Advocacy and public health campaigns have been prominent, yet the persistence of high smoking rates suggests a need to reassess strategies and interventions.

From 2014 to 2024, Kazakhstan's anti-smoking policy has yielded minimal results, with smoking rates remaining largely unchanged. Official statistics from the Ministry of Health indicate a stable number of smokers, but independent research by Euromonitor suggests these figures are significantly understated. According to the 2019 Global Adult Tobacco Survey (GATS), the number of smokers in Kazakhstan remained steady at 2.8 million from 2014 to 2019. In contrast, Euromonitor reported 3.8 million smokers in 2019.

Despite the Ministry of Health's efforts and collaboration with NGOs like the Bloomberg Philanthropies-affiliated Temekisiz Foundation, led by Jamilya Sadykova, which advocates for the complete ban of smokeless products, the overall impact on smoking rates has been negligible. In Kazakhstan, banning alternatives to cigarettes led to unintended consequences, including increased cigarette sales and growth in the illegal cigarette market. The failure of Kazakhstan's anti-smoking strategy over the past decade is attributed to unprofessional approaches by activists and misaligned policy measures. Efforts to increase cigarette excise taxes and ban alternative products have not effectively reduced smoking rates. Additionally, foreign lobbying and funding, such as those reportedly involving Sadykova, have not resulted in meaningful progress. Sadykova, a prominent figure in Bloomberg-funded anti-tobacco initiatives, has allegedly received significant funding but has seen limited success. The influence of such activists has shaped Kazakhstan's anti-smoking strategy, often prioritizing global lobbying efforts over effective, localized solutions.



i)	Hookah Culture vs. Hookah Ban in Kazakhstan




On March 14, 2013, the Chief State Sanitary Doctor issued a decree banning hookah smoking in various public venues, including catering establishments, cinemas, theaters, sports arenas, and other indoor facilities designated for mass recreation. This prohibition was expanded in 2021 to include bus stops, playgrounds, the metro, and underground passages. Additionally, the sale of tobacco products and hookah mixtures was restricted to individuals aged 21 and over, with a requirement for sellers to verify the age of buyers through identity documents. Sales were also prohibited within healthcare, educational, and sports facilities.

In August 2023, the Public Foundation "Center for Social and Political Research "Strategy," conducted an empirical study to assess the likelihood of corruption risks and compliance issues following the introduction of a ban on smoking hookah tobacco and mixtures in public catering establishments. The study involved data collection in two major cities, Shymkent and Almaty, incorporating surveys from 120 hookah consumers, 12 interviews with hookah industry entrepreneurs, and 6 expert interviews. The study revealed that representatives of the hookah industry view the ban as largely ineffective. A significant majority of surveyed industry representatives in Almaty and Shymkent reported that a robust hookah culture has developed in Kazakhstan, characterized by increased competition, the emergence of the professional "hookah man," and heightened demand for hookah products. The ban is perceived to impede industry growth and development, with negative repercussions for the state, businesses, and consumers alike. Specifically, the state forfeits potential tax revenues, government agencies suffer reputational damage, and conditions for corruption and bribery are fostered, thereby increasing business risks. Consumer survey data indicated that hookah smoking is primarily perceived as a leisure activity, often enjoyed in non-specialized establishments such as cafes and bars. Despite the ban, a significant portion of respondents indicated a willingness to continue smoking hookah in public places (40%) or at home (33%).

The study concludes that the implementation of the hookah ban has been ineffective, exacerbating corruption risks. Consequently, it advocates for the consideration of alternative or compromise solutions, such as the legalization and regulation of hookah activities. Such measures could potentially mitigate the negative impacts observed under the current prohibition regime and align Kazakhstan's approach with more effective, evidence-based policies observed in other jurisdictions.



ii)	Analysis of Sadykova's Initiatives and Their Outcomes in Kazakhstan



The initiative to ban hookah smoking in public places, spearheaded by Jamilya Sadykova, has resulted in significant unintended consequences, mirroring the outcomes of her other initiatives. The prohibition, intended to reduce public health risks associated with hookah smoking, has instead fostered an environment ripe for corruption, with many hookah smokers and businesses opting to circumvent the ban. This initiative has failed to achieve its public health objectives and has stifled the development of a burgeoning industry, thereby depriving the state of potential tax revenues and damaging the credibility of government institutions. Sadykova's involvement in other public health initiatives has similarly been marked by inefficacy and adverse outcomes. For example, her campaigns against smokeless tobacco products, rather than decreasing overall tobacco consumption, have often driven consumers back to more harmful cigarette smoking. Additionally, her efforts have led to significant increases in excise taxes on cigarettes, which have inadvertently bolstered the illicit cigarette market, further undermining public health goals. These patterns of failure underscore the need for a reassessment of public health strategies in Kazakhstan, particularly those influenced by Sadykova's approach.





In conclusion, Michael Bloomberg's expansive influence within the World Health Organization (WHO) underscores a complex interplay of philanthropy, political strategy, and global health governance. Despite his non-official role, Bloomberg's status as WHO Global Ambassador for Noncommunicable Diseases and Injuries and substantial financial contributions have positioned him as a significant player in shaping international health policies. This influence extends beyond mere financial support, leveraging his media prominence and strategic partnerships to steer WHO's agenda on critical issues like tobacco control and public health strategies.

Critics, including prominent voices in global health law like Lawrence O. Gostin, argue that Bloomberg's involvement resembles a form of elitist paternalism, where a wealthy individual dictates health priorities to less affluent nations. This perspective raises ethical concerns about transparency, accountability, and the autonomy of international health governance under the influence of powerful donors.

Moreover, Bloomberg's philanthropic activities, while ostensibly beneficial in addressing global health challenges, also serve to enhance his personal and business interests. His investments in health data collection and analysis through initiatives like the Data for Health Initiative not only contribute to public health advancements but also integrate health data into his business operations via the Bloomberg Terminal.

In navigating these complexities, the WHO faces ongoing scrutiny regarding its independence and decision-making integrity amidst partnerships with influential figures like Bloomberg. As global health issues continue to evolve, the role of philanthropists in shaping international health policies remains a contentious topic, highlighting broader questions about the balance between private influence and public interest in global governance.


In our case study, we assessed the outcomes of Bloomberg Philanthropies' initiatives in tobacco control in Kazakhstan. Despite considerable financial support from Bloomberg-funded NGOs, Kazakhstan's smoking statistics show a concerning trend, casting doubt on the success of these efforts. The continued high rates of smoking, despite extensive advocacy and public health campaigns, underscore the necessity to reevaluate and improve current strategies and interventions.




 Michael Bloomberg exerts considerable influence within the World Health Organization (WHO) despite lacking an official role on its management board. Serving as WHO's Global Ambassador for Noncommunicable Diseases and Injuries and a substantial financial contributor, Bloomberg enhances his impact within the organization. His status as a prominent media figure and one of the world's wealthiest individuals further amplifies his influence, enabling him to shape decision-making processes within WHO.  Strategically leveraging his affiliation with WHO, Bloomberg not only seeks to enhance his personal and organizational reputation but also actively engages in challenging competitors and solidifying his legacy. His involvement in global health initiatives complements his business interests, particularly through the Bloomberg Terminal, a critical data aggregation platform in global financial markets that underpins his wealth accumulation.  Bloomberg's ties with WHO afford him access to crucial health data, particularly from low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), where governance gaps provide avenues for influencing political leadership through partnerships with NGOs, lobby groups, and businesses. This strategic approach not only aligns with his financial interests but also extends his global impact, shaping public health policies and practices in diverse international contexts.

"Behind Closed Doors: Michael Bloomberg's Shadowy Grip on WHO Policy and Power"

"Who is the best president of Kyrgyzstan?": about economics, politics and the difficulties of teaching modern history of Kyrgyzstan. Dedicated to the 33rd anniversary of independence and the 100th anniversary of the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Region.

Finally, after many years of decline and then, in fact, stagnation at the level of poverty, Kyrgyzstan has moved to a trend of stable and dynamic development. This generates much more enthusiasm in research, teaching, and simply in life. And in these conditions, it becomes much easier to answer both complex and even seemingly naive and simple questions from students, such as "Who is the best president of Kyrgyzstan?", which in the past drove people into a stupor due to their ambiguity.
But first things first:
In history lessons I am often asked: "Who is the best president of Kyrgyzstan?" I have never considered it appropriate to give a direct answer to this question due to several factors. On the one hand, a teacher/lecturer must teach their students to think, arming them with the appropriate tools so that in the future these guys do not bend to the current situation, but can give balanced and well-founded judgments, even if sometimes they run counter to the opinion of the majority; on the other hand, it should be taken into account that many of those who ask such a seemingly naive, but sometimes quite provocative question, ask it already knowing their "correct" answer, since they are not in an "airless" environment, but have absorbed certain ideas from their environment, and having said their categorical "that one is bad, this one is good", the teacher will simply close the window for dialogue, leaving the student with his own, very often quite biased opinion; I will also note that in the past in the history of independent Kyrgyzstan, with presidents who fled and sometimes shot at the people, it was very difficult to point to someone as a good one; but ultimately, I believe that everyone should have the right to their own opinion, which he/she will form independently, based on certain principles and objective information.
Therefore, in my classes I always tried to provide maximum information about each of our leaders and invite them to draw their own conclusions. Until 2022, Almazbek Atambayev and Roza Otunbayeva were always among the leaders of class discussions. It is understandable. R. Otunbayeva, the only female president in the history of Central Asia, did her best to stabilize Kyrgyzstan after the bloody events of 2010, with the brutal suppression of the April 7 square with the help of firearms by the previous government and the Osh events, provoked to a large extent by both external and a number of internal forces. She is a person who did not cling to power, but handed it over to the next, democratically elected Almazbek Atambayev.
A. Atambayev's authority is based on the fact that under his rule the first steps were taken to transition to a state development policy. The construction of roads, infrastructure facilities, including the Datka-Kemin power line, schools, and hospitals was intensified under his rule. But given the country's dependence on external sources of financing, these volumes could not have been very significant. Also, due to the level of corruption and the power of criminality inherited from the first two presidents, Askar Akayev and Kurmanbek Bakiyev, the development policy, without serious structural changes, similar to those that President Sadyr Japarov and his team are currently conducting, could not have brought more significant results than it did.
Under A. Atambayev, Kyrgyzstan joined the EAEU, launched a policy of active infrastructure investments, and resolved border issues with Kazakhstan (which was once highly praised by the current First Deputy Prime Minister Kamchibek Tashiev, who is also involved in border issues with Tajikistan and has resolved them with Uzbekistan). The creation of the Russian-Kyrgyz Development Fund, as well as the first initiatives to digitalize the economy, also date back to the period of his rule.
There were, of course, shortcomings and mistakes. For example, A. Atambayev himself noted one of them: he missed the personnel policy; although he did not allow relatives to power, he trusted his "driver" Ilmiyanov too much. For which he apologized to the people later. As a result, the ability to admit mistakes can also be recorded as a strong point of the fourth president of Kyrgyzstan.
Unfortunately, many of A. Atambayev's achievements were leveled during Sooronbay Jeenbekov's rule. Perhaps, not because S. Jeenbekov had deliberate negative intentions, but did not realize the degree of importance and, accordingly, the level of consequences of each step (or inaction) of the president. Rather, he did not do enough good for development, having become carried away by the fight (or allowed his subordinates to get carried away by it) with his predecessor Almazbek Atambayev. At the same time, he forgot about the economy and did not cope with COVID to the required extent.
At the same time, I do not think that S. Jeenbekov should be scolded for his weak achievements and said that he is bad. Rather, he tried to the best of his ability, but was probably not decisive enough and not qualified enough for this high position of the president.
Those who really deserve criticism for their actions are the first two presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Askar Akayev, who, through the implementation of neoliberal policies, allowed the collapse of the republic's economy and corruption at all levels of power, right up to the seventh floor of the "White House" (which he himself once stated, as if with surprise, as if he himself was "not involved" and suddenly discovered corrupt officials around him) and Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who strengthened the governance of the country through corrupt mechanisms. The latter is also actually guilty of the death of 87 people on Ala-Too Square, since he gave the order to shoot at peaceful protesters in April 2010.
Fortunately, the consequences of all this decline and devastation of the 1990s and 2000s, coupled with the rise of crime and lawlessness that took place under the first two presidents, have gradually been leveled out in the last three years. Kyrgyzstan has had stable development dynamics in recent years. Thus, in 2021, GDP growth was 6.9%, in 2022 and 2023 by 7%, the first half of 2024 - 8.1%. The share of industry in the economy shows steady growth, reaching 40% of GDP for the first time in the history of independent Kyrgyzstan, with targets of 60% by 2030.
This year, in honor of the 100th anniversary of the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Region, 100 new enterprises and 100 social facilities are planned to be built in Kyrgyzstan. Of these, about 80 new enterprises have already been opened by Independence Day. And these are not some small workshops, but enterprises that are really significant for the republic in the extraction and processing of minerals, processing of agricultural products, production of electricity, and enterprises in the automotive industry. And all this contributes to the growth of production and employment in the republic, and determines a further increase in wages.
The state is pursuing a policy of gradually increasing pensions and salaries for civil servants, teachers, doctors, and creating new enterprises and social infrastructure facilities.
So, regarding pensions, from October 2024, there will be no pensions in Kyrgyzstan below 6900 soms. Of course, one can say that this is not enough. But given that for years people's minimum pension reached 1000 soms, from July 1 it became 3500, and now it will be no less than 6900, the positive dynamics are quite obvious. And with good rates of economic development, this state will be able to raise pensions and salaries further, since it realizes that the solvent demand of the population is one of the important sources of economic development and the construction of a stable and prosperous society.
The growth of the population's welfare is already affecting many sectors of the economy. One of them is the construction industry. Housing construction in Kyrgyzstan in 2023 broke everything, including Soviet records. Thus, according to the National Statistical Committee, if in 1985 1 million 96 thousand m2 of housing were built in the Kyrgyz SSR , and in 1990 - 1 million 560 thousand m2 , then in 2023 - 1 million 587.5 thousand m2 . The state mortgage policy with the provision of mortgage loans for up to 25 years at 4% per annum for civil servants and at 8% per annum with a 30% down payment for other people in need plays an important role in the growing construction boom. Such conditions for mortgage loans today in the post-Soviet space, perhaps, cannot be found anywhere. Moreover, the state mortgage program is expanding rapidly, contributing to both the growth of social security for the population and stimulating economic development in the republic.
In 2023, 105 schools were put into operation, compared to 50 in the record years of 1968 and 1987. Hospitals, first aid stations, clubs, and theaters are being built and renovated.
We continue to observe active road construction throughout the republic. Thus, by 2024, it was planned to build and repair a record 837.5 km of roads for independent Kyrgyzstan, of which 658 km will be paved. Of course, perhaps many are irritated by the dug-up roads and traffic jams resulting from repair restrictions, but after the repair is completed, I think everyone will forget about summer traffic jams and will enjoy driving on smooth roads, contemplating the beautiful facades of buildings. (What I am personally not particularly excited about is the elimination of trolleybus lines. I would like to hope that at least some of them will remain. After all, this is the most environmentally friendly and very economical transport, and from my feelings in a number of cities, including our close Almaty, I do not have the feeling that it somehow interferes or creates an unsightly appearance in the city)
For the first time in the history of independent Kyrgyzstan, we have begun construction of the Balykchy-Kochkor-Karakeche railway, which, taking into account the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway project that will be launched in the near future, will connect northern and southern Kyrgyzstan by rail, and will also save the republic from the fate of a transport dead end, reviving the branch of the "Great Silk Road" through Kyrgyzstan at a modern level. The conjugation of these two railway projects will bring a huge positive economic effect to the republic. (By the way, many infrastructure projects have been given the opportunity to develop due to the correct arrangement of foreign policy priorities, as well as due to the maximum resolution of border issues with neighbors, in particular with Uzbekistan, with which all borders have already been determined, and with Tajikistan, with which the delimitation process is proceeding very steadily).
I would like to note that the state has changed its economic policy as a whole. If earlier the state could not invest in its own economy in the absence of dollar reserves due to the "neoliberal bondage" caused by agreements with international financial institutions, today the state independently finances many projects in the national currency. And most importantly, the state today has a clearly formulated development strategy. Even if some elements of it are still being developed, in general the strategy already exists, and it is being implemented. That is why we have stable economic development.
As part of de-dollarization, Kyrgyzstan is actively accumulating gold in the National Bank reserves instead of the dollar (there are already more than 52 tons of it in the National Bank reserves) and therefore in recent months there has been a significant strengthening of the national currency rate, which will probably have to be adjusted somewhat in the future to improve export conditions. But at the current moment, when we are actively importing equipment from outside, a strong national currency is more of a plus than a minus, since the equipment is cheaper.
In the context of creating a favorable climate for economic development, the state is actively fighting crime and corruption. All major criminal authorities and corrupt officials within the country have been eliminated, and an active fight against smaller ones (but no less dangerous in the long term) continues. Kyrgyzstan, despite unprecedented external pressure, is pursuing a truly sovereign policy, guided exclusively by national priorities.
In fact, today we are developing a policy of state capitalism, which took place in Korea, Japan, Singapore and Malaysia. Speaking about neighbors, perhaps the closest example of state capitalism is Uzbekistan, which has always had strong state institutions, and which today is increasingly developing the conditions of a market economy. That is, if Uzbekistan is adding more and more market mechanisms to the working state apparatus, then Kyrgyzstan is moving from working market mechanisms to adding an effective state. As a result, we can find much in common between the economies of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. And if earlier only Uzbekistan was the most diversified and rapidly growing in the region, today Kyrgyzstan has every chance for rapid development.
In the context of such changes in the republic today, I would like to return to the question of the best president, raised at the beginning of the article. As I emphasized, I think it is inappropriate to immediately express my point of view on the best president of independent Kyrgyzstan "off the cuff" in the process of teaching. It is much more important to present all the facts regarding the activities of our leaders. And then it will definitely become clear that the first two presidents brought the greatest problems to the country, having created a system that served, as the chairman of the cabinet of ministers noted, the interests of transnational corporations headed by the comprador bourgeoisie. Perhaps for someone, in the end, Askar Akayev will not be so bad, since he did not shoot and gave information that allowed Kumtor to be returned, for others his activities will be unforgivable, in view of the many, many people who plunged into poverty, drank themselves to death, died much earlier than their appointed time or were forced to emigrate from Kyrgyzstan. But Bakiyev and his clique, I think, will forever remain absolute evil. At the same time, the period after 2010 as a whole, I think, will be seen by those studying history to a greater extent as the beginning of a positive trend. (I would like to point out that we should not try to highlight the bad, denigrate and hush up the good of some of our leaders and selectively show only the good of others, since such approaches trap the country in history, making each subsequent leader increasingly worse in people's perception... and for long-term sustainable development we need to cultivate in the younger generations a sense of pride in the country and an understanding that the state strives for the best for its people... I am personally glad that the current leadership understands such risks and, unlike some past leaders, does not engage in denigration and the fight against their predecessors... This should be understood by history teachers, and leaders at all levels, and ordinary people. After all, if we want to build a stable and prosperous society, then we need to work on all fronts, economic, political, personnel, general education, and, in particular, with the minds of our young and adolescent fellow citizens)
When analyzing the policies of the presidents after 2010 in this light, the most striking positive mark for the majority I expect to see from the presidents (I name them in chronological order) Roza Otunbayeva, Almazbek Atambayev and Sadyr Japarov
Taking into account the current grandiose structural changes in the republic, today in my classes I most often hear the most positive responses about the current president Sadyr Japarov. I will note that three years ago I myself did not consider Sadyr Japarov the best president. There were no facts to give a more balanced assessment. At the same time, even then, in 2020-2022, there were many who considered him the best. But over the past few years, as a person who is suitable from an economic point of view when assessing most phenomena and processes, based on the results of my activities, I am convinced that the most positive changes in the republic over the past 33 years in the republic were made by President Sadyr Japarov and his team. This is confirmed by the results of many surveys on the degree of trust in him on the part of the population, including surveys conducted in Kyrgyzstan from the outside, for example, by the International Republican Institute (International Republican Institute , IRI ), which in the latest study showed that most people in Kyrgyzstan (37%) trust him (in second place was Kamchibek Tashiev, also with a very high level of trust, 22%). According to research by the CIO BSU, trust in general in President S. Japarov increased from 82.6% to 86.7% by August 2024.
At the same time, the ability not to push one's role forward, but to create a team in which everyone works, as it seems to me, is also a great merit of President S. Japarov. Humanity, which is felt even through the screen, the ability to work with people, the ability to delve into the essence of problems, the ability to empathize with other people and, most importantly, Love for the Motherland (which was visible even in the garbage collection in the mountains, which happened spontaneously, not "showily" on camera, in gloves ... but simply, involuntarily ... because he saw this garbage where he himself was ...) significantly contribute to the effectiveness of our president's work. And his activities for the good of the country will leave a bright mark in our history.


The text explores the challenges of teaching modern Kyrgyz history, particularly when discussing who the "best president of Kyrgyzstan" is. It highlights that due to the complex and often contentious political landscape, educators should provide balanced information to allow students to form their own opinions.

"Who is the best president of Kyrgyzstan?"

Kyrgyzstan and India share an ancient and rich history, rooted in traditional values. The long-standing cultural interactions highlight the deep bonds between the peoples, which grow stronger each year. In Kyrgyzstan, Indian culture is well-known and cherished—Kyrgyzstanis enjoy Indian cuisine, watch Indian films, and host over 17,000 Indian students. India has resumed regular flights on the Bishkek-Delhi-Bishkek route, with a travel time of only two and a half hours. The countries have also agreed to cooperate in preserving cultural heritage, protecting historical and cultural monuments, safeguarding protected areas, and preserving manuscripts through joint archaeological research.
There is a high level of political trust between the countries, reinforced by regular mutual visits at the highest levels. During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Kyrgyzstan in 2019, the bilateral relations advanced to a new stage, achieving the status of a strategic partnership. The Bilateral Investment Agreement between the Kyrgyz Republic and India, along with amendments to the Agreement on the Avoidance of Double Taxation signed during this visit, have facilitated successful and mutually beneficial cooperation among the business communities.

In the agricultural sector, the Kyrgyz Republic can produce ecologically clean agricultural products that meet all necessary standards. It is encouraging to see the export of Kyrgyz agricultural products to India increasing in recent years. The textile and clothing industries are the most developed sectors within Kyrgyzstan's light industry. Given the small domestic market, it is export-oriented, with over 90% of products labelled "Made in Kyrgyzstan" being exported to Russia and Kazakhstan. This sector holds immense potential for further development.
Kyrgyzstan also boasts significant potential in hydropower, with an annual capacity of 142 billion kWh. Currently, only 10% of this potential is being utilised. Considering the global shift towards clean energy sources, Kyrgyzstan encourage all partners to explore and invest in Kyrgyzstan's hydropower potential, offering vast opportunities for foreign investors. Kyrgyzstan is also rich in tourism potential, thanks to its unique natural beauty. The country has numerous reserves, biosphere zones, resorts, and recreational facilities, offering tremendous opportunities for ecotourism, mountain tourism, mountaineering, hunting, and other outdoor activities. For Indian tourists, Kyrgyzstan offers a visa-free regime for those holding EU, USA, or British visas. Additionally, many Indians visit Kyrgyzstan to enjoy its nightlife, including nightclubs and casinos, with the benefit of lower prices compared to neighbouring countries.
The Kyrgyz government established the state enterprise “Kyrgyzpharmacy.” Representatives from this enterprise have visited India multiple times to establish contacts and secure contracts for the direct supply of pharmaceutical products. To facilitate business, it is crucial to establish direct correspondent relationships between Kyrgyz and Indian banks. Currently, 17,000 Indian students and about 200 medical tourists from Kyrgyzstan visit India annually for medical procedures and recovery. However, they must carry cash because Kyrgyz banks do not have direct correspondent or peer-to-peer relationships.

Mining, especially gold extraction is a politically sensitive yet highly appealing sector for foreign investors due to significant market opportunities. In 2022, the Kumtor mine, the largest gold mine in the region, produced nearly 556,375 ounces (approximately 17,305 kilograms) of gold. Central Asia, including the Kyrgyz Republic, also possesses substantial mineral deposits essential for clean energy technologies. There is a robust demand for information and communications technology (ICT) services in both the public and private sectors within the Kyrgyz Republic. Opportunities abound in software and service provision (including cloud storage) for government entities, the sale of IT equipment, construction of broadband and wireless internet infrastructure, cybersecurity solutions, and various services aimed at digitalizing in-person processes. In 2021, the Kyrgyz government established a Ministry of Digital Development and created preferential tax regimes through the "High Tech Park" and "Creative Industries Park" in 2011 and 2023, respectively. The government is actively seeking partners to help digitize citizen services nationwide.
Energy, particularly hydropower, is a key priority for the government, which is looking for external investment to develop small hydropower plants and modernize existing large ones. While solar, geothermal, and biomass markets are still in their infancy, solar energy is the most advanced, with several major solar farm projects announced that are currently seeking financing. The popularity of electric vehicles (e-vehicles) is on the rise, benefiting from various tax incentives for imports. The banking sector also presents opportunities for foreign companies. There is a strong demand for correspondent accounts from Kyrgyz banks and businesses. The government has collaborated with foreign banks to formulate plans for sovereign bond issuances. Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, market demand has increased as businesses shift their banking operations to avoid international sanctions.

Kyrgyzstan and India share a deep cultural history and strong political ties, leading to new business opportunities. The strategic partnership between the two countries, formalized during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 2019 visit, has boosted trade, investment, and cooperation across multiple sectors. Key areas of opportunity include agriculture, textiles, hydropower, tourism, and digital development. Both countries are working on enhancing direct banking relationships to facilitate smoother transactions, and there is significant potential for investment in Kyrgyzstan's natural resources, energy sector, and emerging markets like ICT and renewable energy.

"Kyrgyzstan-India Ties Boost Business Opportunities"


Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted India's substantial contributions to advancing the economic agenda of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) through institutionalized mechanisms such as the SCO Start-up Forum and the Special Working Group on Start-up and Innovation. His remarks were conveyed by Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar at the SCO meeting. “With 130,000 start-ups in India, including 100 unicorns, our experience can be useful to others,” the Ministry of External Affairs statement cited the prime minister as saying in his remarks.
According to a NASSCOM report, India has become the fastest-growing and third-largest ecosystem for start-ups. This growth is fuelled by significant funding, emerging technologies, and a booming domestic market, propelling the Indian start-up ecosystem to new heights.
India will host the fifth meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation start-up forum in January 2025.The initiative is aimed to promote start-up interactions among the eight-member SCO which comprises China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, India, Pakistan and Uzbekistan.
India has taken several initiatives to build to empower the local start-up ecosystems in the SCO Member States, provide value to start-ups through mentoring and enabling access to investor and corporate engagement activities and solve social problems through innovative solutions and exchange knowledge on how institutional interventions can be introduced to support the start-up ecosystem.
India has rapidly positioned itself as a driving force for innovation, enabling forward-thinking individuals across various industries and social sectors to implement transformative ideas and projects. Countries like Kazakhstan are well-prepared for such support; recent education reforms and investments have sparked a transformation in the domestic business and internship landscape. Cutting-edge institutions, such as the new High-Tech Academy in Almaty, are inspiring the younger generation to tackle the challenges and opportunities of the modern world. India stands to benefit significantly by increasing its involvement and capitalizing on the region’s growing ambitions. Establishing a digital bridge and providing Digital Public Goods and Infrastructure for Central Asia and other regions is a viable way forward while other issues are being addressed.
Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) like Aadhaar and the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) has transformed the Indian landscape, providing a robust foundation for start-ups and enabling secure authentication, streamlined transactions, and enhanced financial inclusion. By leveraging these digital platforms, start-ups have developed innovative solutions that utilize digital identity and frictionless payments to drive ecosystem growth. On May 13, 2023 SCO member states unanimously adopted New Delhi’s proposal of "DPI as the right way for deploying digital technology among member states," promoting inclusive growth within the region. India’s UPI is currently used in Nepal, Bhutan, France, Singapore, the UK, UAE, and Mauritius as a secure platform for digital transactions. Implementing DPI within the SCO region can enhance commerce by reducing costs, facilitating prompt movement of goods, and boosting tourism.
The pharmaceuticals and health tech sector has become a key area of innovation in India. In 2021, there were 3,548 active start-ups in this sector that secured funding totalling US$2.2 billion. This figure is projected to reach US$21.3 billion by 2025, highlighting the transformative potential of start-ups in revolutionizing healthcare accessibility and delivery. In 2022, India's pharmaceutical exports to Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Kyrgyzstan amounted to US$597.8 million, US$128.16 million, US$72.6 million, US$27 million, US$25.4 million, and US$16.15 million, respectively. Indian start-ups have the opportunity to form joint ventures with Central Asian countries to enhance quality control, digitization, and pharmaceutical delivery. Additionally, Central Asian countries are increasingly importing AYUSH products—traditional and homeopathic medicines—from India, with exports valued at US$16 million in 2022.

India has amassed significant expertise in navigating complex markets, which can be leveraged to support start-ups in SCO countries. Innovative solutions tailored to the Indian market can be adapted to meet the needs of these nations. Through partnerships, the Indian start-up ecosystem can offer funding, mentorship, and access to a broader network of investors, aiding start-ups internationally. Furthermore, Indian start-ups can advocate for favourable policy changes and guide other countries in creating supportive ecosystems.
India's Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) has enhanced the delivery of public goods and services and provided data-driven insights for grievance redressal. This use of DPI can assist some SCO countries, particularly in Central Asia, in expanding social and financial assistance to underprivileged populations. The Indian start-up ecosystem has the potential to foster a global network of innovation and entrepreneurship, creating a mutually beneficial environment for start-ups across borders.



Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted India's pivotal role in advancing the economic agenda of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) through initiatives like the SCO Start-up Forum. With over 130,000 start-ups, including 100 unicorns, India is a leading global start-up ecosystem. Set to host the fifth SCO start-up forum in January 2025, India aims to foster collaboration among SCO nations. India's digital public infrastructure, such as Aadhaar and UPI, has revolutionized the start-up landscape and been adopted by several countries. Key areas of innovation include health tech and pharmaceuticals, with significant exports to Central Asia. Indian start-ups have opportunities for joint ventures with Central Asian nations, enhancing quality control and digitization. India's expertise supports SCO countries in expanding social and financial assistance, creating a global network of innovation and entrepreneurship.

India Drives Innovation and Growth in SCO Start-up Forum

The geopolitical landscape within Central Asia has been changing rapidly due to external players. This process especially accelerated after Russian invasion of Ukraine. Central Asian states faced new realities and indirect challenges, such as unprecedentedly tough economic and political sanctions against Russia. As a result of those sanctions, the steady decline of its potential in the political, economic and military spheres including in Central Asian region.

The resulting niches began to quickly be filled by other countries, especially, China. China's role in the countries of Central Asia was already previously quite high, especially in the economic sphere, but its influence began to grow more at an even faster pace. All this fully applies to Kyrgyzstan as well. Statistics indicate that over the past year, foreign trade turnover between Kyrgyzstan and China has increased sharply. For instance, imports from China to Kyrgyzstan in 2021 amounted to $737 million, and in 2022 it was already $4 billion 70 million. Probably, the figures for 2021 do not fully reflect the objective picture, since post-Covid consequences were still affecting then. But, if we take pre-pandemic 2018, then even then imports from China amounted to 1 billion 943 million. That is, in 2022, imports increased by more than 5.5 times compared to 2021, and more than 2 times compared to pre-Covid 2018. Obviously, this growth is largely due to sanctions against Russia and the establishment of transit supplies there from China through Kyrgyzstan. This is also evidenced by the figures for the growth of exports of goods from Kyrgyzstan to the Russian Federation. If in 2021 exports from the Kyrgyzstan to the Russia amounted to about $394 million, then in 2022 it will already be $964 million. Moreover, in pre-Covid 2018, exports from the Kyrgyzstan to the Russia amounted to approximately 359 million dollars, which is almost the same as in 2021. At the same time, the increase in transit supplies (parallel imports) from China to Russia does not deny, but only confirms, that the overall role China's share in the economy of Kyrgyzstan is growing steadily. Probably, the growth of the Kyrgyz economy in the last 2-3 years is largely due to the unprecedented growth in transit supplies from China.

Today, China, with more than $70 billion, already ranks first in trade turnover with the countries of Central Asia. The second place is occupied by the European Union with 47 billion dollars, and in third place is Russia with 42 billion dollars. It is obvious that the Central Asia-China meeting held in the “5+1” format (Xi’an, May 18-19, 2023) gave new impetus to increasing China’s economic influence in the region. At the same time, it becomes clear that China is no longer limited to cooperation primarily in the economic sphere. If earlier China mainly focused on the economy, now the spheres of security, culture, science and education have been added to economic issues, that is, virtually the entire range of issues, including those previously traditionally considered “belonging” to Russia. In total, agreements worth more than 50 billion were signed with the countries of Central Asia dollars. With Kazakhstan, for example, by $22 billion, and with Uzbekistan by $15 billion.
For Kyrgyzstan, in addition to projects in the field of culture, science and public administration, specific economic projects worth more than one billion dollars were envisaged. These are projects in the field of energy, transport, mechanical engineering, agriculture, etc.:
- investment agreement between the Ministry of Agriculture of the Kyrgyzstan and Hebei Bai Dou Jia LLC for the implementation of a project for the construction of a fertilizer production plant;
- an investment agreement between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyzstan and China Power International Development Limited on the construction of a 1 GW solar power plant.
- an agreement of intent on cooperation in the export of electricity from the Kyrgyz Republic to China between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyzstan and the TBEA company; In addition, a special place is given to the transnational scale project: China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway which started recently. This project is estimated to cost an additional $3-7 billion. Thus, in general, the scale of the planned ongoing projects between China and Kyrgyzstan only at the current stage can be estimated at a huge figure for the Kyrgyz Republic, about 8 billion dollars. It becomes obvious that Central Asia and Kyrgyzstan, in particular, are at a new stage of cooperation with China. The consequences of this cooperation can be both positive and negative, thus, the coming decade in Central Asia will be marked by the growth of Chinese influence.

Opportunities and risks for the Kyrgyzstan
The rapid and significant growth of Kyrgyz-Chinese cooperation, significant financial injections, the arrival of new companies and technologies from China can bring with them great opportunities for the development of the economy of Kyrgyzstan. Investments in energy, mechanical engineering, agriculture of the Kyrgyz Republic, etc. create opportunities for qualitatively new development of the Kyrgyz Republic. Of particular importance is the planned construction of the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway. If this project is implemented, Kyrgyzstan will receive a huge impetus for many years of progressive development and growth of the country’s role in the entire Central Asian region. It can be stated that the increase in the speed and scale of cooperation with China potentially carries a great positive charge for Kyrgyzstan, which Kyrgyzstan must utilize as much as possible. However, along with great opportunities, the rapid growth of Chinese financial investments and the entry of a large number of Chinese companies can create significant risks that one should be aware of and take the necessary preventive measures to ensure that these negative risks do not turn into a reality. So, it is not yet clear which part of the Chinese financial investments will be loans and which foreign direct investment (FDI). There is no detailed information yet and under what conditions the projects will be implemented. That is, it is not clear whether China will be granted any privileges in the field of land use, attracting its labor force, taxation, use of infrastructure, etc. For instance, according to the Kyrgyz Minister of Agriculture, the plant for the production of mineral fertilizers will be built entirely with Chinese investments in the amount of about 246 million yuan ($35 million). China will operate this plant for 30 years, and then transfer it to the Kyrgyz side.

It is not yet clear under what conditions this plant will operate, what the percentage of Chinese and Kyrgyz workers and executives will be there, whether their working conditions will be the same, etc. It is not yet known whether additional labor quotas will be allocated for this plant or everything will fit into the existing quotas. It is also unclear how transparently this plant will operate, whether the Kyrgyz inspection authorities will be able to fully control it or not. These issues and a number of others related to this particular project, as well as to all other Kyrgyz-Chinese projects, are extremely important because they have long-term consequences for Kyrgyzstan. It is well known that loans provided by China in general are more expensive than, for example, those from other international financial institutions. For instance, the standard rate for Chinese loans is 1.5-2%, and for loans from the International Monetary Fund - 0.5%, the Asian Development Bank - 1-1.5%, the Eurasian Development Bank - 1%, the World Bank - 0.75 %. At the same time, China almost never writes off (does not forgive) loans, unlike, for example, European countries, Japan or Russia, and international financial institutions.


 The geopolitical landscape in Central Asia has shifted significantly post-Russia's invasion of Ukraine, with China rapidly filling the resulting power vacuum. This shift is particularly evident in Kyrgyzstan, where China's economic influence has surged, with trade turnover rising from $737 million in 2021 to over $4 billion in 2022. Major projects, including the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway and various investments in energy, agriculture, and infrastructure, have been announced. While these developments offer substantial economic growth opportunities for Kyrgyzstan, they also bring potential risks, such as high-interest Chinese loans and concerns about transparency and labor conditions, requiring careful management to ensure sustainable benefits.

China’s strategic influence in Central Asia intensified, case of Kyrgyzstan

The recent state visit of President Sadyr Zhaparov of Kyrgyzstan to Azerbaijan marked a significant milestone in the ongoing efforts to strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation between the two nations. In 2022-23, turnovers between two countries increased by 30 %, and its planned to achieve 500 million USD by 2030. The visit, reciprocating the warm hospitality extended by Azerbaijan during previous exchanges, saw the signing of several pivotal agreements and declarations aimed at fostering deeper strategic ties and promoting collaboration across various sectors. In particular, the project on Program of Cooperation between the two nations for 2024-2029 was approved. In addition to that The Cabinet of Ministers agreed with the project of Protocol between the State Customs Service and the State Customs Committee of Azerbaijan on cooperation in the exchange of information on mutual trade statistics.


In his address, President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan underscored the importance of the visit in bolstering the already robust relationship between the two countries. He highlighted the signing of a Joint Declaration as a key outcome, emphasizing its role in shaping the future trajectory of bilateral relations. The comprehensive discussions held during the second meeting of the Interstate Council reaffirmed the commitment of both nations to enhancing cooperation in diverse fields, from trade and investment to energy and transportation.


A cornerstone of the burgeoning partnership is the Azerbaijan-Kyrgyz Development Fund, which was established last year, received a significant boost with a quadrupling of its authorized fund to $100 million. This expansion reflects the growing interest of businesses from both countries in exploring investment opportunities and realizing joint projects. President Aliyev lauded the constructive role played by President Zhaparov in supporting the restoration efforts in Azerbaijan's liberated territories, citing Kyrgyzstan's initiative to build a secondary school in the Aghdam district as a tangible manifestation of solidarity and brotherly support.


Energy cooperation emerged as another focal point of discussion, with a mutual interest in exploring renewable energy projects in Kyrgyzstan. Both nations recognize the potential for collaboration in this sector, alongside ongoing efforts to enhance transportation infrastructure and optimize trade routes. A Memorandum of Understanding on cooperation in the energy sector was signed between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Ministry of Energy of the Azerbaijan Republic. The Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic reported this on April 25. The main goal of the memorandum is to develop Azerbaijani-Kyrgyz cooperation in the energy industry, have a positive impact on the socio-economic development of the country, as well as the desire to further deepen cooperation in this area.


The parties strive to develop cooperation in the following areas:


- joint research and development of oil fields in the territories of the states of the parties;
- trade in oil and petroleum products;
- cooperation in the field of renewable energy sources and hydropower.


The signing of agreements related to the construction of a five-star hotel on the shores of Lake Issyk-Kul and the development of transport corridors underscores the shared commitment to advancing mutual interests and unlocking new avenues for economic growth.

President Zhaparov, in his remarks, expressed gratitude for the warm reception and hospitality extended by Azerbaijan. He commended the substantive discussions held during the visit, which culminated in the signing of a joint Declaration on strategic partnership. Emphasizing the significance of bilateral cooperation in cultural and humanitarian spheres, President Zhaparov lauded Azerbaijan's efforts in commemorating the legacy of Chingiz Aitmatov, a revered figure in Kyrgyz literature and a symbol of shared Turkic heritage. It should be noted that during Ilham Aliyev’s visit to Kyrgyzstan in 2023 the park, named after his father, Heydar Aliyev was inaugurated in capital city Bishkek.


The visit also provided an opportunity to discuss forthcoming high-level events within the framework of the Organization of Turkic States, underscoring Azerbaijan's pivotal role in hosting the 29th Session of the Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. These initiatives underscore the deepening ties and mutual commitment to fostering regional stability and sustainable development.
In total, 17 agreements were signed between Azerbaijan and Kyrgyz Governments related economic, trade, energy sector, transportation especially, related to a Middle Corridor route and renewable energy. The agreements covered matters, such as on prevention of double taxation as well as, prevention of tax evasion. Furthermore, Azerbaijan is also interested to link its cargo transportation system to China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Rail Road route chains and promote local products to Eastern Asia via Central Asian routes. Whereas Kyrgyz side is interested to get access to Azerbaijan and other European markets via Caspian sea.

During President Zhaparov visit to Azerbaijan, an intergovernmental agreement on cooperation in the field of education and science was also signed. Accrodng to the press service of the Kyrgyz Ministry of Education and Science, starting from 2025, Azerbaijan will allocate a quota of 5 places for Kyrgyz citizens to study in Azerbaijan universities . The document stipulates that Azerbaijan will provide tuition free undergraduate education to selected Kyrgyz citizens and provide scholarships, medical care, appropriate conditions for study, as well as the right to use sports and recreational facilities at the level provided for local citizens, in accordance with national legislation.. Furthermore, a “Memorandum of Understanding between the Baku State University and the Kyrgyz National University named after Zhusup Balasagyn” was signed. The subject of the memorandum is the exchange of experience between teachers and students in the field of education, science and culture.


Currently, the following major Azerbaijani companies, joint ventures that are operating in Kyrgyzstan: 

Foreign Azerbaijani LLC "AZERI"
Wholesale trade of other non-food consumer goods
World Interprise LLC (IU-Azerbaijan)
Joint Kyrgyz-Azerbaijani LLC "PRO-IES"
Closed joint stock company "Progress"
Company "Kavkazenergoservice"
Production of electric motors, generators and transformersx
Joint Kyrgyz-Kazakh-Azerbaijan Public Fund “Sema”
Joint Kyrgyz-Uzbek-Azerbaijan Jalalabad Oil Refinery LLC
Production of refined petroleum products, including briquettes from petroleum products
Joint Kyrgyz-Azerbaijani LLC "EVOS"


Other construction and installation works not included in other groups:
Branch of Azerbaijan Energy Engineering and Consulting LLC in the Kyrgyz Republic
Azerbaijan Energy Engineering and Consulting LLC Activities in the field of engineering surveys and provision of technical advice in these areas
Branch of the Joint Kyrgyz-Azerbaijani LLC "EVOS" in the city of Osh
Azerbaijan LLC "EVOS" Construction of residential and non-residential buildings


The economic collaboration between Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan holds significant promise, yet its realization has been limited thus far. It's worth acknowledging that over nearly thirty years, there have been intervals where opportunities were overlooked. I believe the time has come to seize these opportunities and make up for lost ground.


In conclusion, the successful outcome of President Zhaparov's visit reflects the shared vision and determination of Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan to elevate their partnership to new heights. The signed agreements and declarations serve as a testament to the enduring friendship between the two nations and lay the groundwork for a future marked by collaboration, prosperity, and mutual respect. As the two countries embark on this journey of cooperation, they stand poised to unlock immense potential and chart a path towards a brighter, more interconnected future.



The visit of President Sadyr Zhaparov of Kyrgyzstan to Azerbaijan marked a significant step in strengthening bilateral ties between the two nations. Key agreements were signed, including a Joint Declaration and a Memorandum of Understanding on energy cooperation, highlighting their commitment to deepening strategic relations. Discussions also emphasized cooperation in trade, investment, and transportation. The visit showcased Azerbaijan's role in hosting regional events and commemorating shared cultural heritage. Additionally, agreements were reached on education cooperation, with Azerbaijan offering study opportunities for Kyrgyz citizens. Overall, the visit underscored the determination of both countries to enhance partnership and unlock economic potential for mutual benefit.

Azerbaijan-Kyrgyzstan Strengthen Bilateral Ties through Key Agreements

Central Asia-India energy cooperation can further deepen bilateral relations in 2024

The partnership between India and Central Asia has the potential to significantly bolster India's position as a leader in energy. Since 2012, India has steadfastly focused on revitalizing its engagements in Central Asia, inaugurating its 'Connect Central Asia' initiative to bolster connections in vital spheres like security, energy, and economic advancement. Central Asia offers a wealth of energy resources, encompassing crude oil, natural gas, coal, uranium, and essential minerals. This presents a substantial opportunity for India, especially given its escalating energy requirements.

Central Asian countries hold strategic and geo-economic significance for India, especially for energy cooperation. India's burgeoning energy needs, coupled with the abundant energy reservoirs of Central Asia, converge to shape India's ambitions for broadening energy ties with the region. These ambitions align with India's eagerness to explore economic prospects in Central Asia.


The region shows great potential in renewable energy capacity, production, and transportation, aligning with India's steadfast commitment to development. The expansive plains of countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan provide perfect conditions for contemporary energy solutions like wind and solar power. Moreover, positioned strategically between the East and West, the Central Asian five have the opportunity to be key players in establishing and executing a future interconnected energy network. Hence, ongoing investment and involvement could yield revolutionary outcomes in the future. Additionally, nuclear energy stands out as another significant area ripe for collaboration.


Central Asia boasts abundant energy resources, encompassing both hydrocarbons and renewable energy sources. Despite this wealth, much of these resources remained largely untapped during the Soviet era. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asia emerged as a region of significant energy potential. However, the distribution of these resources across the Central Asian States (CASs) is uneven. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan stand out with substantial reserves of hydrocarbons, including coal, oil, and natural gas. It is estimated that Central Asia holds around 4% of the world's natural gas reserves and approximately 3% of its oil reserves. These hydrocarbons are found both onshore and offshore, particularly in the Caspian Sea region.


The inaugural India-Central Asia Summit held in January 2022 featured a Round-Table discussion focusing on Energy and Connectivity, highlighting India's foremost concerns in the region, alongside security. As per a report from the International Energy Agency (IEA), India's energy requirements have doubled since 2000 and are projected to escalate significantly due to population and economic growth. Between 2021 and 2040, India is anticipated to experience the most substantial surge in energy demand among all nations.


India’s primary interest is increasing its energy partnership with Central Asia to meet its growing energy demands. From an energy security standpoint, India aims not only to secure its energy sources but also to diversify its import origins, thereby mitigating reliance on a handful of producers. Beyond hydrocarbons, the region holds potential as a uranium source for India's civilian nuclear programme. Additionally, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan present opportunities for exporting hydroelectric power, augmenting the surplus energy generated in the region.
India faces notable constraints in establishing energy linkages with Central Asia, primarily highlighted by connectivity challenges. The absence of direct land or sea routes between India and Central Asia poses a significant hurdle. Various proposals have been suggested to address this issue, with the International North-South Transport Corridor standing out as the most viable option. Leveraging the Chabahar and Bandar Abbas ports in Iran, this corridor offers a promising route to access Central Asia and beyond.
The energy resources of this region could be extremely valuable for India as it continues to move on a high trajectory economic growth path in the coming years. India has had millennia old, historical and civilizational links with this region. The synergy between India and Central Asia is evident, but the obstacle lies in efficiently transporting these resources from landlocked areas to India. Additionally, India has been sourcing yellowcake for its nuclear facilities from Kazakhstan since 2009. India is also importing uranium from Uzbekistan.
Given the wealth of energy resources in Central Asia, particularly in crude oil, natural gas, coal, and minerals, coupled with New Delhi's projected exponential increase in energy demands, discussions were marked by a noticeable sense of urgency. Central Asian expressed interest in India's "One Sun, One World, One Grid" initiative, which seeks to foster interconnected solar energy infrastructure on a global level, aligning closely with the India-France-led International Solar Alliance (ISA). To bolster energy connectivity, there is a pressing need to forge cooperation between specialized national institutions in fields such as renewable energy, information technology, digital infrastructure, and advanced technologies.


In the modern era, energy plays a pivotal role in shaping geopolitics and driving the economic landscapes of nations. Central Asia has emerged as a significant energy hub, offering an alternative source for countries such as India to meet the energy needs of their expanding populations, crucial for maintaining sustained economic development. The rising demand for natural gas is poised to fuel growth in the Central Asian oil and gas sector.

This article delves into the burgeoning partnership between India and Central Asia, focusing particularly on energy cooperation and its potential to deepen bilateral relations. Highlighting India's strategic interest in the region's abundant energy resources, including hydrocarbons and renewables, it emphasizes India's efforts to diversify its energy sources and secure its energy future. The piece underscores the significance of Central Asia as a crucial energy hub and outlines challenges such as connectivity issues and the need for infrastructural development. With insights from the inaugural India-Central Asia Summit and prospects for collaboration in areas like renewable energy and nuclear cooperation, the article paints a picture of evolving ties between the two regions driven by mutual interests and economic imperatives.

Central Asia-India energy cooperation 

India-Central Asia can cooperate on agriculture sector for food security

India stands out among the global community as one of the few countries capable of achieving food sufficiency for its entire population.
How Central Asian nations can cooperate with India on agriculture sector for their food security?

Agriculture has always remained a focus area for the Central Asian countries. In February 2020, the India-Central Asia Business Council was established in New Delhi in the framework of the Foreign Ministers dialogue. It has four working groups: on oil and gas; agro-processing and agricultural machinery; transport and logistics; and pharmaceuticals and biotechnology.
In the Third meeting of the India-Central Asia Dialogue and Delhi Declaration of the 1st India-Central Asia Summit in January 2022 the leaders noted that there is a need to boost trade and investments in agriculture and agricultural products.

Central Asian nations heavily rely on imported food items and crucial agricultural resources. A significant portion of the wheat consumed in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan originates from Kazakhstan and Russia. Wheat and its derivatives constitute a substantial portion of the diet in these countries, contributing to over a third of caloric intake in Kyrgyzstan and nearly half in Tajikistan. Trade relationships with Russia and intra-regional agricultural food trade play pivotal roles in meeting the food demands of Central Asian populations. Moreover, the region exhibits a high dependence on imported fertilizers, with a substantial portion sourced from Russia. For instance, in 2021, a quarter of Uzbekistan's fertilizer imports (a significant supplier to Tajikistan), over one-third in Kyrgyzstan, and close to three-quarters in Kazakhstan were acquired from Russia.

According to a World Bank paper, agricultural food export earnings, in particular in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, where the share of Russia in total agricultural food exports is roughly one third, will depend on the evolution of Russian demand and the continued functioning of supply chains. At the regional level, fruits and vegetables are by far the largest category in agricultural food exports to Russia, with Uzbekistan being the largest supplier.

According to Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, with just under seven years remaining until the deadline, Central Asia is advancing towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 2 of Zero Hunger, addressing issues such as food insecurity and various forms of malnutrition, despite significant challenges encountered in recent years.
Major issues of sustainability in the Central Asian countries have been sustainable agriculture and natural resource management, which are critical for food security and the welfare of rural communities.

It is crucial to prioritize land and forest management, enhance resource efficiency, and promote sustainable farming practices. These efforts can yield economic, social, and environmental advantages, fostering 'green' growth. This approach has the potential to bolster the prosperity of agricultural communities, create new employment opportunities, increase incomes, and enhance overall quality of life.

Streamlining border procedures, creating agricultural clusters, and improving road connectivity are key steps to overcoming obstacles. Entities such as CAREC, ADB, and the Islamic Development Bank have played significant roles in enhancing roads and facilitating economic corridors for smoother and safer cross-border transportation of goods. As the Central Asian countries are tilting more towards conservation agriculture, India has much to share in that practice.

In many parts of India, there is still significant potential to increase the agronomic yield of food staples by addressing gaps in management practices. Embracing conservation agriculture as a foundation for sustainable intensification (SI) offers a promising solution, particularly in rainfed and delicate ecosystems, while also safeguarding natural resources. Conservation agriculture techniques have demonstrated the ability to achieve higher yields with fewer inputs (such as costs, water, energy, and labour), mitigate environmental degradation, encourage the use of organic materials (thus discouraging residue burning), enhance soil health, and improve resilience to climate-related risks.

While conservation agriculture is not a one-size-fits-all solution, it has a proven track record of revitalizing agriculture, as seen in South America's experience over the past 35 years, where it propelled cereal and oilseed production to new heights. Therefore, for addressing the challenges of resource depletion and narrowing management yield gaps, conservation agriculture-based sustainable intensification stands as a fundamental approach.

Over the last 20 years, significant research endeavors have focused on the development, adaptation, and expansion of conservation agriculture for sustainable intensification. These efforts have been spearheaded by various entities such as ICAR, State Agriculture Universities (SAUs), CIMMYT, CGIAR centers, developmental departments, NGOs, private sector actors, and farmers' organizations. While there exist promising success stories involving conservation agriculture technologies, the full potential impact has yet to be realized.

Conservation agriculture represents a collection of farming techniques centered around minimal mechanical disturbance of the soil, diversified crop rotation, and maintaining permanent soil cover with crop residues. Its primary goals are to mitigate soil erosion, enhance soil fertility, and optimize resource utilization through conservation agriculture-driven technologies. Conservation Agriculture offers a multitude of tangible and intangible advantages, including lowered production costs, time savings, boosted yields via timely planting, improved water efficiency, resilience to climate fluctuations, decreased occurrences of diseases and pests due to increased biological diversity, minimized environmental impacts, and ultimately, enhancements in soil health. India can impart complete technical knowledge to the Central Asian countries on enhancing agricultural yield and progress towards food security.

Erkinbek Kamalov




The article explores the potential for cooperation between India and Central Asian nations in the agriculture sector to enhance food security in the region. It highlights the existing reliance of Central Asian countries on imported food items and agricultural resources, with significant portions sourced from Russia. The importance of trade relationships with Russia and intra-regional agricultural food trade is emphasized.  Despite challenges, Central Asia is progressing towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal 2 of Zero Hunger. However, issues such as sustainable agriculture and natural resource management remain critical for food security and rural welfare. The article suggests prioritizing land and forest management, enhancing resource efficiency, and promoting sustainable farming practices to achieve economic, social, and environmental benefits.  Streamlining border procedures, creating agricultural clusters, and improving road connectivity are identified as key steps to overcome obstacles to cooperation. Conservation agriculture is proposed as a promising solution to increase agronomic yield while safeguarding natural resources. India is positioned to share its expertise in conservation agriculture with Central Asian countries.  The article also discusses the importance of research and development in conservation agriculture and the potential impact of such technologies on production costs, yields, water efficiency, climate resilience, and soil health. Overall, the article advocates for collaboration between India and Central Asia to enhance agricultural productivity and food security in the region.

India-Central Asia can cooperate on agriculture sector for food security

"Unmasking Smoke: Assessing the Effectiveness and Impact of the Bloomberg Global Tobacco Campaign"

The Global Tobacco Campaign led by Michael Bloomberg through the Bloomberg Initiative has been both lauded and criticized for its efforts to combat tobacco use globally. With a pledge of $1.58 billion since 2005, Bloomberg's initiative has aimed to reduce tobacco consumption in low and middle-income countries. However, questions have been raised about the motivations behind Bloomberg's campaign, with critics citing concerns about financial influence on policy decisions and potential conflicts of interest.

Criticism has also been directed at Bloomberg's advocacy tactics, including accusations of paternalism and infringement on personal freedoms through policies such as outdoor smoking bans and raising the legal age for tobacco purchase. Despite Bloomberg's success as a businessman and politician, his methods in combating tobacco use have faced skepticism and scrutiny.

Criticism extends to Bloomberg's lobbying efforts within international health organizations like the World Health Organization (WHO) and his influence on global tobacco control policies. While Bloomberg's philanthropic contributions have supported initiatives to reduce tobacco use, concerns linger about undue influence and conflicts of interest.

The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids has undertaken targeted efforts to address tobacco control in Central Asia, focusing on legislative advocacy and media campaigns. However, transparency issues regarding funding sources and policy advocacy strategies have raised doubts about the effectiveness and credibility of these initiatives.

In conclusion, while the Bloomberg Initiative's Global Tobacco Campaign has mobilized resources and attention toward combating tobacco use globally and in Central Asian countries, critical questions remain about its effectiveness, transparency, and impact.

Global Tobacco Campaign of Bloomberg Initiative

Michael Bloomberg's efforts to reduce global tobacco use through the Bloomberg Initiative have received both praise and criticism. Since 2005, Bloomberg has pledged $1.58 billion to combat tobacco use in low and middle-income countries. However, concerns have been raised about Bloomberg's financial influence on policy decisions, with some critics equating his contributions to bribery for foreign governments and NGOs. Questions remain about his motivations and the effectiveness of his tactics. Some critics argue that there is a conflict of interest with Bloomberg's fortune being built on a financial information system used by the tobacco industry. Furthermore, Bloomberg's anti-tobacco campaign has faced accusations of paternalism and infringement on personal freedoms. Critics say banning smoking outdoors and raising the legal age for buying tobacco limit individual freedom. Public health is important, but it shouldn't restrict individual rights. This research highlights the complexities and criticisms of Bloomberg's anti-tobacco efforts.

Is his current campaign purely philanthropic, or is there a touch of penance involved; Who is Michael Bloomberg?

He is a billionaire founder of Bloomberg LP and former mayor of New York City. Bloomberg uses his wealth to influence politics and push his policies. His political ambitions have taken many forms, from mayor to unsuccessful presidential candidate. Bloomberg was elected as NYC mayor in 2001. During his three terms in office, he was known as a pragmatic and business-minded leader. He implemented policies to boost the city's economy, improve public health, and tackle climate change. His administration focused on reducing crime rates and implementing strict public health measures (including banning smoking indoors). Although, Bloomberg's time as mayor was not without controversy. Critics claimed he was out of touch with ordinary New Yorkers, especially on income inequality and police accountability.

His support for controversial policing tactics like stop-and-frisk drew criticism, particularly from communities of color who were most affected by these policies. Despite criticisms, Bloomberg's political influence grew due to his wealth and media empire. He considered running for president as an independent in 2008 and 2012 but chose not to. In 2019, Bloomberg entered national politics by running for the Democratic presidential nomination. His campaign stood out for its huge spending and unconventional tactics. He skipped early primary states and targeted Super Tuesday, spending heavily on advertising and investing millions of dollars in his campaign. Despite his wealth and political machine, Bloomberg's presidential bid failed. After a disappointing start in primaries, he ended his campaign. He endorsed Joe Biden, the eventual Democratic nominee. He played a key role in funding Democratic efforts for the 2020 election and advocates for gun control, climate change, and public health.

Bloomberg has invested nearly $1.58 billion since 2005 in combating tobacco use globally, establishing himself as a major player in the field. His charities, such as Bloomberg Philanthropies, fund organizations and campaigns, that influence global tobacco control policies. Bloomberg's organizations act as a "private government," shaping policy decisions through funding, drafting laws, and working directly with government leaders. Concerns were raised about the ethical implications of such practices with parallels to bribery.

Bloomberg's anti-tobacco efforts were criticized for emphasis on banning harm-reducing technologies like vaping. Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK) backed by Bloomberg Philanthropies, faced criticism for 

 to post anti-vaping messages on social media. Critics denounced the approach for lacking grassroots support and potentially restricting adult access to harm-reduction products.

Bloomberg-funded groups are directly working with government leaders and drafting legislation raising concerns about potential undue influence and ethical implications. While aiming to reduce smoking rates, the focus on banning or severely restricting alternatives to traditional smoking questions the true motives behind anti-tobacco efforts.

There is a concern that Bloomberg's initiatives may focus more on policy battles than on reducing smoking rates or improving public health outcomes. Bloomberg's anti-tobacco initiatives go beyond taxes and advertising restrictions to include direct engagement with policymakers and funding lobbying efforts. Reports suggest that Bloomberg's groups position themselves as essential resources for regulators and lawmakers, influencing global tobacco control policies. This raises concerns about a global lobbying network and exploiting developing countries for broader agendas. Bloomberg's initiatives have significant implications for developing nations, where foreign NGOs can influence policy decisions. While the intention may be to support tobacco control efforts, the methods employed raise questions about interference in internal affairs. Critics advocate for local initiatives and experts over external agendas.

Bloomberg Initiative in World Health Organization & COP:

Bloomberg uses his wealth to influence international health organizations like the WHO. Since 2005, Bloomberg has funded tobacco control efforts in low- and middle-income countries. His philanthropic organization, Bloomberg Philanthropies, works closely with the WHO and partners to reduce tobacco use. One of their key collaborations is implementing the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), an international treaty to reduce tobacco demand and supply. Bloomberg Philanthropies supports FCTC implementation, including tobacco taxation, smoke-free laws, and advertising bans.

Bloomberg also influences WHO in public health beyond just tobacco control. His investments have supported initiatives to improve road safety, address urban health challenges, and strengthen health data systems. Critics worry about Bloomberg's influence on WHO and other health agencies. Some argue that his philanthropic contributions may unduly influence the priorities and agenda-setting processes of these organizations, potentially leading to conflicts of interest or biases in decision-making.

Bloomberg has used his resources to support COP meetings and promote evidence-based strategies to reduce global tobacco use. These meetings, organized by the WHO FCTC, help countries coordinate efforts to implement the treaty's provisions and reduce tobacco demand and supply.

Bloomberg recognized the importance of working together to address the tobacco issue, as shown by his involvement in COP sessions. His philanthropic organization, Bloomberg Philanthropies, plays a key role in contributing to these meetings. Despite controversies, Bloomberg's activities with COP meetings continue. Some critics are concerned about the influence of Bloomberg in COP. They argue that influence may undermine the autonomy and integrity of the COP discussions potentially leading to conflicts or biases in decision-making.

What is The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK)?

Over the past decade, CTFK has been actively involved in the Bloomberg Tobacco Reduction Initiative, which aims to save lives by combating tobacco use worldwide. The campaign focuses on advocating policy change in low- and middle-income countries in line with the Bloomberg Initiative, with significant achievements in priority countries such as Bangladesh, China, India, Russia, and Indonesia. These achievements include policy changes related to smoke-free environments, tobacco advertising, sales promotion, sponsorship, and pictorial health warning labels. In addition, the campaign made progress in promoting tobacco taxation and secured tax increases in several countries. In addition, the campaign contributed to global anti-smoking victories, such as Uruguay's success in arbitration against Philip Morris International.

The campaign has focused on achieving significant policy changes in each priority country, including advocating for tobacco tax increases. The objectives align with the MPOWER package, seeking comprehensive protection from secondhand smoke, large pictorial health warnings, and bans on tobacco advertising, sponsorship, and promotion. Additionally, the campaign has expanded tax advocacy work, particularly in India, the Philippines, and Ukraine. It has also addressed tobacco industry interference, aiming to hold the industry accountable through exposure, litigation, and capacity-building efforts.

While the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids has achieved notable successes in advancing tobacco control policies globally, some aspects warrant critical examination. Firstly, the campaign's emphasis on tax increases as a primary strategy may overlook the nuanced socio-economic factors affecting tobacco use, potentially neglecting alternative approaches to reducing tobacco consumption. Moreover, the reliance on external funding from entities like Bloomberg Philanthropies and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation raises questions about the sustainability and autonomy of the campaign's initiatives. There's a risk that the prioritization of funders' objectives may overshadow local priorities and needs, undermining the efficacy of tobacco control efforts in LMICs. Additionally, the focus on litigation against the tobacco industry, while important, may divert resources away from community-based interventions and grassroots advocacy efforts, limiting the campaign's impact on the ground.

Questionable Effectiveness and Counterproductive Outcomes

Despite Bloomberg's assertions of success, the effectiveness of his anti-smoking programs remains dubious. In Turkey, hailed as a success story by WHO standards, adult smoking rates paradoxically surged from 27% to 31% between 2012 and 2018. Similarly, in the Philippines, aggressive anti-smoking measures driven by Bloomberg's lobbyists led to widespread arrests and penalties, exacerbating the issue instead of mitigating it.

Bloomberg's advocacy for aggressive tax hikes inadvertently incentivizes tobacco smuggling, driving consumers towards illicit markets. This not only undermines legitimate businesses but also poses significant health risks due to the unregulated nature of smuggled products.

The implementation of Bloomberg-backed policies, particularly bans on flavored tobacco products, has yielded unintended consequences for public health. Studies in California indicate a marked increase in youth smoking following such bans, suggesting a counterproductive outcome. Bloomberg's funding is predominantly directed towards developing nations, raising questions about his true motivations and potential conflicts of interest.

Critics speculate that Bloomberg's anti-smoking initiatives serve as a guise for establishing a global lobbying network. By funding anti-smoking NGOs, he gains influence over developing nations, potentially leveraging them to advance broader agendas. Bloomberg-backed groups prioritize the establishment of a global lobbying network over crafting effective legislation, resulting in poorly devised anti-tobacco initiatives.

Analysis of the 2017 Strategy Document of the Anti-Tobacco Campaign:

The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids' Executive Summary outlines a decade of work in global tobacco control, highlighting achievements, strategies, and goals for the future. While commendable progress has been made, a critical analysis reveals areas of concern and potential shortcomings.

The document boasts significant policy changes in priority countries, citing achievements in implementing health warnings and tobacco tax increases. However, the claim of saving over 30 million lives is based on estimates, and lacking empirical evidence. Without robust data, such assertions risk overstating impact and credibility.

Despite policy progress, a gap exists between enactment and effective implementation. While policies may be adopted, enforcement and compliance remain challenges, particularly in LMICs. Without addressing this implementation gap, the impact of policy changes may be limited, undermining the overall effectiveness of efforts.

The document outlines priorities for the coming years, focusing on select LMICs and policy objectives aligned with funders' priorities. While strategic prioritization is essential, the exclusion of certain countries or regions raises questions about equity and inclusivity. Neglecting certain areas may perpetuate disparities in tobacco control efforts.

Efforts to tackle industry interference are outlined, including exposure campaigns and litigation. However, the absence of specific objectives for holding the tobacco industry accountable at a global level is notable. Without clear targets for industry accountability, efforts may lack teeth, allowing the industry to continue exerting influence unchecked.

The summary sets ambitious goals, including saving 100 million lives and strengthening tobacco control movements. While aspirations are commendable, the lack of concrete metrics for measuring success raises concerns about accountability and evaluation. Without clear benchmarks, assessing progress becomes challenging, hindering strategic decision-making.

CTFK has undertaken a targeted approach to address tobacco control in the Central Asia region, encompassing Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Mongolia. Here's a breakdown of their activities and strategies:

 Efforts are underway to advocate for comprehensive tobacco control laws in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, alongside enhanced enforcement mechanisms to combat nasvai use in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.

 Strategies involve countering tobacco industry interference through targeted advocacy campaigns, media engagement, and capacity-building initiatives aimed at strengthening regulatory frameworks and enforcement mechanisms.

 The focus is on identifying opportunities to pass robust tobacco control legislation in each country, leveraging regional partnerships and international support to overcome political inertia and industry resistance.

 Activities include promoting knowledge-sharing, skill-building, and peer exchange opportunities to enhance local capacity in tobacco control advocacy, policy analysis, and enforcement.

While the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids (CTFK) has outlined a comprehensive strategy for addressing tobacco control in the Central Asia region, there are several areas where their activities may face criticism and challenges related to transparency:

Lack of Transparency in Funding Sources: CTFK's activities rely heavily on funding from various sources, including grants and donations. However, the transparency of these funding sources may be questioned, especially if there is a lack of clarity regarding the identities of donors or any potential conflicts of interest. Without full transparency in funding sources, there could be concerns about the influence of donors on CTFK's advocacy priorities and strategies. While CTFK advocates for evidence-based tobacco control policies endorsed by the WHO FCTC, there may be concerns about bias in their advocacy efforts. If CTFK receives funding from certain organizations or entities with vested interests in specific policy outcomes, there could be questions about the objectivity and impartiality of their advocacy work. Transparency in funding sources and potential conflicts of interest is essential to maintain credibility and trustworthiness in policy advocacy.

CTFK through its partners continues to fund projects in the region. We dive into their project activities per country:

In Kazakhstan, the enforcement of smoke-free policies was an initiative undertaken by the Public Fund 'Center of Support and the Development of Public Health in Kazakhstan' (PF) between August 2007 and December 2008. With a focus on Almaty, the project aimed to bolster the implementation and enforcement of smoke-free policies while advocating for higher tobacco taxes. This targeted effort not only sought to create smoke-free environments in public spaces but also aimed to address the economic aspect of tobacco control by advocating for tax increases.

Jamila Sadykova, a project manager of this project is a prominent advocate for tobacco control in Kazakhstan, she’s leading initiatives at both local and national levels. She spearheads the "For Smoke-free Kazakhstan" coalition, advocating for stricter tobacco control measures and conducting awareness campaigns. Notably, her efforts in Almaty resulted in increased enforcement of tobacco laws. Sadykova actively engages with government officials to prioritize tobacco control, emphasizing the health impacts of smoking. Additionally, she focuses on research and education to raise awareness among medical professionals and the public. Currently, she continues to contribute to tobacco control efforts through various advisory roles and participation in international working groups. Jamila Sadykova in the past also received funding from the Open Society Foundation to support her tobacco control initiatives in Kazakhstan.

Jamila Sadykova's role in tobacco control initiatives in Kazakhstan appears commendable on the surface, with her leadership in advocacy and awareness campaigns. However, despite her prominent position, there seems to be ambiguity regarding her specific intentions and goals within the broader context of tobacco control. Jamila is actively involved in the formation of political forces that effectively harness Bloomberg's financial resources to further their respective initiatives, thereby establishing a significant precedent for political interference.Moreover, Sadykova's attempt to become an MP is evident in her efforts to establish a lobbying network and influence policymakers. By doing so, she aimed not only to extend Bloomberg's influence in Kazakhstan but also to advance her own political aspirations. This suggests that her primary goal isn't solely to combat tobacco but also to fulfill her personal ambitions by becoming a prominent figure in Kazakhstani politics.

Sadykova is also distributing the Bloomberg funds across the region to her colleagues and partners. She attempts to distance herself from any association with Bloomberg's funding, yet she was compelled to acknowledge this connection during a court proceeding in 2011. Then, she confirmed in court that she received a $106,000 grant from the Bloomberg Initiative To Reduce Tobacco Use Grants Program. She argued that it was not directly from the Bloomberg Foundation but part of a global initiative against tobacco smoking in low-income countries. Sadykova had previously denied receiving grants from abroad. She claimed there was a deliberate campaign against her organized by the tobacco lobby, with the Union of Sports Journalists allegedly involved. However, the editor-in-chief of the Megapolis newspaper refuted her claim. The plaintiffs sought 10 million tenge in compensation for moral damage. The defendant, editor-in-chief of the Kazakhstan Today news agency, believed Sadykova's court appeal was merely a PR tactic.

In 2023, Svetlana Romanovskaya, head of the National League of Consumers (NLC), won a lawsuit against Jamila Sadykova. The court ordered Sadykova to pay Romanovskaya 600,000 tenge in court costs. Sadykova had sued Romanovskaya for defamation after Romanovskaya accused her of serving the interests of cigarette manufacturers by advocating for a ban on vapes and other less harmful alternatives to cigarettes. Romanovskaya and the NLC criticized Sadykova for focusing on banning vapes instead of combating traditional cigarettes. They also raised concerns about Sadykova’s funding sources, pointing out that her NGO “Temeksiz” is not listed in the registry of NGOs receiving foreign funding. The NLC called for government agencies to investigate Sadykova's activities as a foreign agent. Additionally, the NLC had further questions for Sadykova regarding her funding for foreign trips and the expectations of her foreign grantors. They believe addressing these inquiries will clarify who benefits from Sadykova’s activism.

Following the public scandals, Sadykova began receiving grants without disclosing the identities of the grantors. Only, in the last four years, she received grants in the amount of 600,000 USD.

 The Global Tobacco Campaign led by Michael Bloomberg through the Bloomberg Initiative has been both lauded and criticized for its efforts to combat tobacco use globally. With a pledge of $1.58 billion since 2005, Bloomberg's initiative has aimed to reduce tobacco consumption in low and middle-income countries. However, questions have been raised about the motivations behind Bloomberg's campaign, with critics citing concerns about financial influence on policy decisions and potential conflicts of interest.  Criticism has also been directed at Bloomberg's advocacy tactics, including accusations of paternalism and infringement on personal freedoms through policies such as outdoor smoking bans and raising the legal age for tobacco purchase. Despite Bloomberg's success as a businessman and politician, his methods in combating tobacco use have faced skepticism and scrutiny.  Criticism extends to Bloomberg's lobbying efforts within international health organizations like the World Health Organization (WHO) and his influence on global tobacco control policies. While Bloomberg's philanthropic contributions have supported initiatives to reduce tobacco use, concerns linger about undue influence and conflicts of interest.  The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids has undertaken targeted efforts to address tobacco control in Central Asia, focusing on legislative advocacy and media campaigns. However, transparency issues regarding funding sources and policy advocacy strategies have raised doubts about the effectiveness and credibility of these initiatives.  In conclusion, while the Bloomberg Initiative's Global Tobacco Campaign has mobilized resources and attention toward combating tobacco use globally and in Central Asian countries, critical questions remain about its effectiveness, transparency, and impact. 

Unmasking Smoke: Assessing the Effectiveness of the Bloomberg Tobacco Campaign


Central Asia stands at a crossroads, presented with the opportunity to leverage e-commerce for economic growth and regional integration. This policy paper explores the success story of India's e-commerce sector, identifying key drivers and transferable lessons for Central Asian nations. By addressing critical infrastructure gaps and fostering an enabling policy environment, Central Asia can unlock its e-commerce potential and navigate the "Digital Silk Road" towards a more prosperous future.


The global e-commerce landscape is experiencing explosive growth, offering developing nations a powerful tool for economic diversification and inclusion. This paper examines the case of India, a nation that has witnessed a remarkable rise in its e-commerce sector. By analyzing India's success factors, this paper aims to provide actionable recommendations for Central Asian countries seeking to cultivate their own thriving digital economies.


India's E-Commerce Boom: A Model for Success


India's e-commerce sector has emerged as a global force, driven by a confluence of factors. A burgeoning internet user base exceeding 880 million, coupled with widespread smartphone adoption and affordable data plans, has created a fertile ground for online commerce. Additionally, the Government e-marketplace (GeM) has achieved impressive growth, demonstrating the potential for e-commerce to enhance government efficiency and transparency.


Central Asia: E-Commerce Potential and Challenges


While India serves as a compelling example, Central Asia presents a distinct e-commerce landscape. Countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan exhibit promising growth trajectories, attracting international players and offering innovative online shopping experiences. However, significant challenges remain, including limited internet penetration, particularly in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, and lagging infrastructure development. These hurdles impede the creation of a robust e-commerce ecosystem.


Unlocking Central Asia's Digital Potential: Policy Recommendations


To harness the transformative power of e-commerce, Central Asian nations must prioritize the following policy recommendations:


•	Prioritize ICT Infrastructure Development: Invest in expanding broadband internet coverage, particularly in rural areas, and foster innovation in information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure.
•	Develop Robust Mobile Banking Systems: Create secure and accessible mobile banking platforms to facilitate online transactions and build trust among consumers.
•	Strengthen Cybersecurity Measures: Implement robust data protection protocols and bolster cybersecurity safeguards to build confidence within the e-commerce ecosystem.
•	Optimize Logistics and Delivery Networks: Invest in modernizing urban freight logistics and improving connectivity throughout the region to ensure efficient and cost-effective delivery processes.
•	Promote Policy and Regulatory Frameworks: Establish policies that incentivize the adoption of advanced technologies, streamline e-commerce regulations, and facilitate access to high-speed internet connectivity.
•	Foster Regional Collaboration: Promote cross-border cooperation among Central Asian nations to encourage knowledge sharing, harmonize e-commerce regulations, and develop a unified "Digital Silk Road" strategy.


By adopting these recommendations and learning from India's experience, Central Asian nations can bridge the digital divide and transform their economies through e-commerce. This transformation can lead to increased economic growth, job creation, and regional integration, propelling Central Asia towards a brighter future on the "Digital Silk Road."


This paper urges policymakers, development partners, and private sector stakeholders in Central Asia to work collaboratively to implement these recommendations. By prioritizing e-commerce development, Central Asia can unlock its economic potential and emerge as a significant player in the global digital marketplace.



This paper examines the burgeoning Indian e-commerce sector and its potential to serve as a model for Central Asian countries seeking to develop their own digital economies. The analysis explores the factors that have propelled India's e-commerce growth, including a rapidly expanding internet user base, increasing smartphone penetration, and affordable data plans. It then contrasts this scenario with the current state of e-commerce in Central Asia, highlighting both existing opportunities and key challenges.

E-Commerce Landscape: Lessons from India and Opportunities for Central Asia

Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR) Business Forum and its takeaways


On April 2nd, the Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR - Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region) business forum was held in Bishkek, and with its results, agreements on the implementation of useful projects with a total amount of more than 1 billion US dollars were signed. With this, it became clear that Chinese companies are interested in small- medium projects when it comes to alternative energy resources.


At the beginning of the Forum, a short video about the investment opportunities in Kyrgyzstan was shown in Chinese language. During the Forum, Bakyt Turobaev, Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic and he is also Minister of Water Management, Agriculture, and Processing Industry, spoke about attractive deposits for investment and opportunities for Kyrgyz-Chinese cooperation. Trade between Kyrgyzstan and China increased by 30% compared to last year. Foreign direct investment (FDI) from China increased by 27% in 2023. There are hectares of arable land for investment in agriculture in Kyrgyzstan. Currently, Kyrgyz-Chinese relations have risen to the highest strategic level, and this event (Forum) is proof of such relations. In his speech, he invited Chinese investors to pay more attention to the potential of green energy in Kyrgyzstan considering its nature and create more joint ventures between the two countries in this field. So far, only 10% of hydropower potential has been implemented. To support his views, he emphasized, that there are huge investment opportunities for solar, wind, and geothermal. For investment in small and medium-sized hydroelectric power plants, Kyrgyzstan has liberal laws to protect businesses and further develop its investment. Investors are protected by their earned capital and the operation of a liberal banking system within Kyrgyzstan and transactions with other countries. The Kyrgyz side said that it is ready for negotiations to switch to conducting mutual settlements partially in the Chinese currency – RMB (yuan) and that this step would lead to diversification of the financial system of the Kyrgyz economy as well. He also spoke about GSP+ in the frame of which Kyrgyzstan is entitled to export great varieties of goods to the EU without special tax, in favorable conditions.
After that, the Chairman of the People's Government of XUAR, Erkin Tuniyaz, briefly touched on the historical ties between Xinjiang and Central Asia within the framework of the Great Silk Road and the geographically convenient connection, made a brief presentation about the economic achievements of the Chinese government, as well as the global community of common destiny, and urged Kyrgyzstan to build a future society together and He invited to contribute to the development of Sino-Kyrgyz relations along with the wide use of business opportunities in the XUAR region.
According to the information of the main organizers of the forum - the National Investment Agency under the President of the Kyrgyz Republic and the China Council for the Development of International Trade: the following agreements and memorandums were signed in the total amount of 1 billion 151 million US dollars.


 An investment agreement was signed between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and "Dachenglongyuan Energy Technology" LLC in the city of Xinjiang near the "Erkechtam-autodorozhny" checkpoint on the Kyrgyz-Chinese border of the Alai district (Osh region);


 A memorandum was signed between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and "Dachenglongyuan Energy Technology" LLC in Xinjiang on the construction of a wind power plant in Erkestam region of Alai district (Osh region);


 A memorandum on cooperation between the Ministry of Energy of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Chinese Tebian Electric Apparatus electric and photoelectric company on the capital repair of blocks #3 and #4 of the CHP was signed (Bishkek city);


 An agreement was signed between the state enterprise "Kyrgyzkomur" and the company "Huasing Coal Industry Company" in the Shuichen district of the People's Republic of China and the subsidiary company "Umar Too Ken" LLC in the Kyrgyz Republic on the joint operation of the Tulek section of Kok-suusu - Kok - Yangak coal mine (Jalal-Abad region)


 An agreement was signed between the state enterprise "Kyrgyzkomur" and the company Huaxing Coal Industrial Company in the Shuichen district of the People's Republic of China on joint activities on conducting joint geological exploration works in the "Tulek" section of the Kok-Yangak coal mine (Jalal-Abad region);


 An agreement was signed between the state enterprise "Kyrgyzkomur" and the coal industry company "Huasing" in the Shuichen district of the People's Republic of China on the joint development of the Markai section of the Kok-Yangak coal mine (Jalal-Abad region);


 Office of the Authorized Representative of the President of the Kyrgyz Republic (for Naryn region) and "Zhongtian Zhicontrol Technology Holding Co., Ltd. - (Zhongtian Zhicontrol Technology Holding. Co. Ltd.) signed a memorandum on the implementation of the drone assembly plant construction project.


Chinese state-backed corporations are expanding their operations in Central Asian countries, especially, Kyrgyzstan since it plays the role of gateway to the Central Asian market. At the same time Chinese side has been avoiding being a reason for tension between CA countries for instance, the Tajik government initiative to build Rogun, a hydroelectric power plant (HPP) in Tajikistan or Kambar-Ata HPP in Kyrgyzstan, which requires a long-term and very large investment, and secondly, there is a risk of causing problems in the future due to water shortage in the BA region. Therefore, relatively cheaper and less time-consuming projects are attractive to the current Chinese economy. Moreover, 15-25 years ago, China was mainly interested in gold extractive industry projects in Kyrgyzstan, but last few years, it seems that it has shown a great interest in investing in medium and small alternative (green) energy production projects that do not require large and long term financial investments and commitments. Also, the increase in the number of joint Kyrgyz-Chinese enterprises in the production of energy resources and the hiring of local people for middle-high ranking jobs is a relatively new trend in Kyrgyz-Chinese business relations. Basically, in China, many companies that are operating in a strategic field for the Chinese economy have always been under the control or support of the state apparatus. This ‘preferential treatment’ in turn, often provides considerable advantage in competition with foreign corporations during the global crisis.


The Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR - Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region) Business Forum held on April 2nd in Bishkek showcased a significant stride in bilateral economic cooperation. Key takeaways from the event include agreements totaling over 1 billion US dollars for various beneficial projects, highlighting Chinese companies' interest in small to medium-sized ventures, particularly in alternative energy resources.

Kyrgyzstan-China (XUAR) Business Forum and its takeaways

India's fintech landscape, ranked as the third-largest on a global scale, is anticipated to achieve an annual revenue of $70 billion by FY30, constituting 18–20 per cent of the addressable financial services revenue pool. Boasting over 9,000 fintech entities, India stands as the host to the third-highest quantity of fintechs worldwide and commands a 14 per cent share of start-up funding within the country. Additionally, the report predicts that the fintech industry is on track to yield $400 billion in value creation by 2030, signifying a quadruple increase from its present state.

Funding has tripled from 2018 to 2022. Currently, fintech companies dominate digital payment transactions, with their share experiencing a 2.3-fold increase in FY22 compared to FY19. The Fintech sector received funding of $2 billion in 2023.India solidified its position as a major player on the global stage by ranking 3rd globally in 2023 for fintech startup funding. The Indian FinTech landscape has established itself as a powerful global influence and persists in expanding as one of the foremost FinTech markets worldwide. India has broadened its fintech reach with the launch of Unified Payment Interface (UPI), RuPay services in Sri Lanka and Mauritius. Earlier UPI commenced its operations in France.

The implementation will streamline UPI settlement services for Indian citizens journeying to Sri Lanka and Mauritius, and also for Mauritian nationals during their visits to India. Furthermore, the expansion of RuPay card services in Mauritius will empower Mauritian banks to issue cards using the RuPay mechanism, enhancing smooth transactions between India and Mauritius. Last year India has proposed to provide technology patented by the Indian central bank known as UPI, free of cost to Central Asian countries for their independent use. Such a system will greatly enhance commercial linkages and benefit people who may have to travel to India for medical treatment. It will also help businessmen and Indian students who are studying in those countries.

Moreover, in February 2023, PhonePe, a prominent Indian digital payment and fintech firm, introduced cross-border UPI payments under UPI International. This feature allows users to utilize their Indian bank accounts for transactions at merchant outlets in the UAE, Singapore, Mauritius, Nepal, and Bhutan. At present, India is setting the template for the rest of the world with its innovative models in fintech and financial services.

The share of insurtechs, specifically in sectors such as motor insurance, has grown 5x from FY19 to FY22.

Google India Digital Services and the National Payments Corporation of India, the innovator behind UPI, have entered into an agreement to expand the reach of UPI's services beyond the borders of India. The collaboration aims to enhance the ease of payments for Indian travellers outside the country and lay the groundwork for UPI-inspired payment systems to be adopted globally. UPI stated, "This aligns with NPCI's commitment to strengthening India's presence in the international digital payment arena." The partnership will also contribute to streamlining remittances by reducing reliance on traditional money transfer channels.

The fintech sector presents significant growth opportunities, particularly in emerging markets, as 1.5 billion adults worldwide remain unbanked, and an additional 2.8 billion adults are underbanked. A recent report from IIFL FinTech emphasized India's status as a global fintech powerhouse, projecting its fintech market to surpass US$ 1 trillion by 2030.

Fintech enterprises in India provide a diverse range of products and services encompassing credit (lending), payments (P2C and P2P), investments, trading, personal finance, wealth management, credit ratings, insurance, and more. India boasts one of the most dynamic fintech sectors globally, and its growth prospects remain promising. With nearly half of the country yet to access online services, the sector is poised for further expansion, especially as India embraces the 5G era in the coming decade.

Various sub-sectors within fintech have surfaced and gained traction among major players in the global financial sector. The Indian financial services industry has entered the realm of digital transformation, swiftly closing the gap with its international counterparts in terms of adoption. Numerous fintech hubs have developed worldwide, including but not limited to the US, the UK, Israel, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Sydney. These hubs could potentially serve as benchmarks for the evolution of fintech in emerging markets. Indian fintech revenues expected to grow at 35%+ annually to reach $190 billion plus revenues by 2030. In the evolving Indian Fintech landscape, key priorities include: focusing on fiscal prudence and sustainable profitability, harnessing emerging technologies like GenAI for functional solutions, establishing a clear policy framework defining roles and responsibilities, fostering private innovation within DPI 2.0 for inclusion, and seizing growth opportunities in embedded finance, BaaS 2.0, CBDCs, and contextual lending.

Releasing the report during its Annual Meeting 2024 in Davos, the World Economic Forum said fintech’s are increasingly expanding operations across borders, mainly in the same region as their headquarters. The study reveals that vibrant hubs such as Singapore, the UK, the US, and India have hosted a thriving cluster of fintech corporate headquarters. Among the countries surveyed, the most significant operating countries for fintech’s include the US, the UK, Singapore, Mexico, and India.

 India's fintech landscape, ranked as the third-largest on a global scale, is anticipated to achieve an annual revenue of $70 billion by FY30, constituting 18–20 per cent of the addressable financial services revenue pool. 

India’s fintech sector gains global popularity, CA region can benefit from it

Unveiling the Unjust Campaign Against Indian Pharmaceutical Industry

The Indian pharmaceutical sector has long been hailed as a beacon of affordable healthcare solutions, particularly for those in developing nations. Recognized as the "pharmacy of the world," India's production of generic medicines has provided a lifeline for many who cannot afford brand-name drugs from large medical corporations. However, a dark shadow looms over this vital industry, as recent publications attempt to tarnish its reputation and sow doubt regarding the quality and safety of Indian medications.

In December 2023, Livemint sparked concerns by reporting that the US had recalled 'substandard' Indian medications, fueling fears about the reliability of Indian pharmaceutical products. This narrative, however, is just one element of a broader campaign that has been in the making for years.

In July 2022, a tragic incident in Gambia, where several children allegedly died due to Indian-made cough syrup, shocked the world. Initial reports from Reuters and Al Jazeera, amplified by Indian media, implicated Indian medicine in the deaths. Yet, subsequent investigations revealed a different truth. Gambian authorities disclosed that many of the children hadn't even consumed the medicine in question, and the deaths were attributed to sanitation and water issues. Despite this, the negative portrayal of Indian medicine persisted.

In March 2023, a report from CDC Africa implicated Indian medicine, citing an old WHO advisory about medicines containing Diethylene Glycol. However, as of June 2023, the World Health Organization could not confirm any association between Indian medicine and the Gambian deaths. Nevertheless, doubt had been planted.

In July 2023, Bloomberg uncovered instances of 'inferior' Indian medicine in Iraq, prompting further scrutiny. However, the credibility of Bloomberg's testing firm, Valisure, was questioned due to past fabrications.

These incidents are part of a broader pattern, with similar stories emerging from different regions, creating a global narrative of questionable Indian medicine quality. This pattern is underscored by the involvement of Dinesh Thakur, a prominent activist who has previously exposed shortcomings in the industry. Through the Thakur Family Foundation, Thakur funded various organizations, including media outlets like The Wire, which propagated anti-Indian pharma narratives.

Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, media reports, particularly those funded by TFF, have been notably negative, emphasizing flaws in Indian medicine and vaccines while downplaying successes from other countries. Such biased reporting not only distorts public perception but also contributes to a broader propaganda effort against Indian pharmaceuticals, primarily led by Western nations and their media outlets.

The narrative of 'faulty' Indian medicine goes beyond the pharmaceutical industry; it seeks to undermine India's credibility and contributions to healthcare. It highlights the importance of critical media analysis and discerning truth from propaganda in today's interconnected world.

The article "Unveiling the Unjust Campaign Against Indian Pharmaceutical Industry" sheds light on the unjust portrayal of the Indian pharmaceutical sector, renowned for providing affordable healthcare solutions worldwide. Despite its crucial role, recent publications have attempted to tarnish its reputation by questioning the quality and safety of Indian medications.  The narrative began with reports of 'substandard' Indian medicines being recalled by the US, sparking concerns about the reliability of Indian pharmaceutical products. However, a deeper examination reveals a broader campaign that has been ongoing for years.  Key incidents, such as the tragic deaths of children in Gambia allegedly linked to Indian cough syrup, have been sensationalized and misconstrued. Investigations later revealed that the deaths were not directly caused by the medicine, but rather by sanitation and water issues. Similar misleading narratives emerged from other regions, creating a global perception of questionable Indian medicine quality.  Prominent activist Dinesh Thakur, through the Thakur Family Foundation, funded organizations and media outlets that propagated anti-Indian pharma narratives. Especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, biased reporting funded by Thakur's foundation has accentuated flaws in Indian medicine and vaccines while downplaying successes from other countries.  This campaign not only undermines the credibility of the Indian pharmaceutical industry but also seeks to discredit India's contributions to global healthcare. It underscores the importance of critical media analysis in discerning truth from propaganda in today's interconnected world.

In the realm of Kyrgyz gold exports, China stands as a prominent importer; however, questions linger about the openness of operations conducted by Chinese companies in the country.





According to the Kyrgyz National Statistic Committee, gold exports from Kyrgyzstan witnessed a staggering increase of 185.5 times in the January-October period of 2023. Noteworthy importers include China (984.3 kg for $60.1 million), Switzerland (10.6 tons for $665 million), and the UAE (1.2 tons for $80.3 million). This surge in exports is indicative of Kyrgyzstan's active engagement in the gold market, with October alone witnessing the export of 2.9 tonnes for $185.7 million, a substantial increase from the previous year's 290.5 kg valued at $13 million.



Chinese Involvement in Kyrgyz Gold Mining:



Chinese companies are not merely importers but active participants in Kyrgyzstan's extractive industries. Approximately 30 licenses for gold mining are held by Chinese companies within Kyrgyzstan, primarily concentrated in the southern regions near the Irkeshtam border checkpoint.





A thorough examination of the subsoil use licenses register on the Kyrgyz Ministry of Natural Resources, Ecology, and Technical Supervision's website reveals that 28 companies, affiliated with Chinese investments, operate in gold mining. Predominantly, these enterprises are concentrated in the southern region, particularly in Jalal-Abad, with only three in the north (Chui region). This geographical distribution highlights China's strategic focus on the southern gold mining areas.





Significant negotiations are underway between the Kyrgyz Republic and Zijin Mining Corporation, which owns a majority stake in Altynken. This indicates China's intention to invest not only in gold but also in silver and other minerals. The corporation's representatives emphasize the economic benefits for Kyrgyzstan, stressing cooperation in the mining industry.




Despite economic advantages, concerns arise regarding conflicts, environmental impact, and openness. Instances such as the Kichi Chaarat CJSC case, where a criminal investigation was initiated for illegal gold mining, highlight potential risks. Environmental concerns surrounding mining technologies employed by Chinese companies, as seen in protests against the Shambesai and Makmal mines, further emphasize the need for sustainable practices.




Recognizing these challenges, Kyrgyz authorities are working to restore order in subsoil licensing, including gold mining. While no new licenses are being issued, existing licenses for Chinese companies are valid. Stringent adherence to technical safety, environmental protection, and subsoil protection norms is crucial. Continuous monitoring, both by government bodies and local monitoring groups, is essential to ensure compliance and prevent any compromise with environmental norms.





In conclusion, the evolving landscape of Chinese involvement in Kyrgyz gold mining necessitates a delicate balance between economic interests and environmental sustainability. Establishing robust regulatory mechanisms and periodic independent monitoring can mitigate potential risks, contributing to a more open and sustainable mining industry in Kyrgyzstan.



This article delves into the dynamics of China's significant role as a key importer of Kyrgyz gold and its active participation in the country's extractive industries. While the surge in gold exports presents economic opportunities for Kyrgyzstan, concerns loom regarding the operations of Chinese companies, particularly in terms of conflicts, environmental impact, and operational openness. The piece explores notable cases, such as the Kichi Chaarat CJSC incident, shedding light on the delicate balance between economic gains and environmental sustainability. Government measures and recommendations are also discussed, highlighting the evolving landscape and the need for robust regulatory mechanisms to ensure the responsible and transparent conduct of Chinese gold mining activities in Kyrgyzstan.

Oversight Concerns Surrounding Chinese Gold Mining Operations in Kyrgyzstan

Central Asian countries have been increasingly extending visa exemptions to Chinese citizens, raising concerns about potential repercussions in the region. Notably, Kyrgyzstan has taken steps towards this trend, allowing Chinese citizens with valid visas from developed Western nations to enter the country for a limited period. However, this move is viewed by some as a precursor to a comprehensive visa exemption policy, a decision that could have far-reaching consequences. This article delves into the unfolding dynamics of Central Asian countries' visa policies towards China, exploring the potential risks and implications, particularly in fostering anti-China sentiments among the local population.

All neighboring countries of Kyrgyzstan in Central Asian region had granted various visa exemptions to Chinese citizens. Kyrgyzstani authorities also issued a decree according to which, Chinese citizens possessing valid visas to enter developed EU, USA and other highly developed western countries could be granted visa exemption to enter Kyrgyzstan for limited time (7 days). But this might be the first step towards a full visa exemption policy for Chinese by Kyrgyz authorities and it a matter of time. However, aforementioned gesture of Kyrgyz authorities could be a risky step and catalyze anti-Chinese sentiments among Central Asian local population in future.

Research

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Commentary